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A.M.A. AZEEZ – ARCHITECT AND FOUNDER OF THE CEYLON MUSLIM SCHOLARSHIP FUND BY A.G.A. BARRIE P.Eng.

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ARTICLE ON FORTIETH COMMEMORATION MEETING

a-m-a-azeez

The Ceylon Muslim Scholarship Fund has rendered yeoman service to Muslim education over the last 68 years. The Architect and Founder of the CMSF was Dr. A.M.A. Azeez, eminent educationist, efficient administrator, erudite scholar, visionary and community worker.

Aboobucker Mohamed Abdul Azeez was born in Vannarponnai, Jaffna on 4th October, 1911. His  education in the Hindu schools R.K.M. Vaidyeshwara Vidyalayam and Jaffna Hindu College, and his training under distinguished teachers had stood in good stead in his later life particularly for his invaluable contribution to education of the Muslims. His interest in education was also encouraged by his paternal uncle, Asena Lebbe Alim Pulavar, a Tamil scholar, poet and expert in Arabic-Tamil. Azeez graduated from the University of London with Honours in History and proceeded to Cambridge University on being awarded the Government Arts Scholarship. On his success in the Ceylon Civil Service Examination as the first Muslim Civil Servant, he abandoned his post-graduate studies and returned home to embark on an administrative career.

In his speech delivered at the Ceylon Muslim League felicitation dinner at the Galle Face Hotel on 13.4.1935 on becoming the first Muslim Civil Servant, Azeez said “The fact that I am the only Muslim in the Ceylon Civil Service should at once make us ask ourselves the question why it is so, and remind ourselves of the general backwardness of our community in the sphere of education. And in this context a discussion of some of educational problems will not be out of place even on an occasion like this”. He elaborated on the need for education of the Muslims and cited the Zahira College Hostel Majlis and Muslim League Senate as the only known organizations to spearhead the discussion. Soon after graduation Azeez was the resident tutor and active member of these organizations. He had also expressed these views at the farewell given by the Muslim League Senate in 1934 on his departure to Cambridge. It was also emphasized that for the progress in all spheres of life top priority should be given to education of Muslim students, otherwise their talents will be lost to the community.

Kalmunai Experience

During the Second World War there was an acute shortage of food in Ceylon. Azeez was the Additional Landing Surveyor of Customs, and in April 1942 he was handpicked and transferred at short notice as Assistant Government Agent to set up the Emergency Kachcheri in Kalmunai. He was specifically instructed to increase food production in the large Ampara District (present Digamadulla). Here he came face to face with the plight of the landless Muslim farmers and their backwardness in education. State lands were distributed and the district soon became the granary of the East.

In education his views expressed earlier were amply proved. With his close friendship and discussions with Abdul Cader Lebbe, well known poet of Kattankudy, and the eminent educationist and scholar Swami Vipulananda of Karaitivu, Azeez formed the Kalmunai Muslim Educational Society with other local personalities. The main objectives were to establish an English medium school with sections for Arabic and Tamil and to offer scholarships to students in the district. This programme was interrupted with Azeez’s transfer back to Colombo in January 1944. He was transferred again within a month as Assistant Government Agent, Kandy.

In the Kandy District Azeez observed the poverty and illiteracy among the Muslims. He gathered information from other areas and was convinced that education was the key for the progress of the Muslims. At the same time he noted that many students did not continue their schooling due to poverty. When Swami Vipulananda was appointed as Professor of Tamil at the University of Ceylon, he stayed with Azeez for twelve days in his official residence ‘Mount Airy’. They discussed many subjects including the formation of a scholarship scheme for poor students throughout the Island, which was encouraged by Swami. They found that despite the awakening by Siddi Lebbe, Wapichi Marikar and I L.M. Abdul Azeez in the late 1880s, the Muslims were conspicuously unrepresented in the professions and senior positions in other fields. In 1945 Azeez was transferred to Colombo as Information Officer.

Inauguration of the Scholarship Fund

From September 1944 Azeez personally canvassed support and donations from the Muslims for the CMSF project which were encouraging. The Kalmunai Muslim Educational Society was merged with the CMSF. On 19.4.1945 he sent out a notice summoning a meeting of donors and helpers on 19.5.1945 to inaugurate the CMSF. It was held at the Zahira College Library Hall and chaired by T.B. Jayah who was an ardent supporter. Azeez presented a detailed Progress Report which was well received. Jayah paid a glowing tribute to Azeez for organizing the Fund and said that “he could not think of a more deserving cause for the uplift of the Muslims than the CMSF”. The aim of the CMSF is to see that no Muslim scholar, capable and deserving, in any part of the Island is deprived of the education he or she deserves for want of money. The Crest and Constitution were approved at a subsequent meeting.

The First Annual General Meeting of the Board of Trustees was held on 28.7.1945 at Zahira College with T.B. Jayah as Chairman pro-tem. Dr. M.C.M. Kaleel was elected as the President, A.M.A. Azeez as Chairman, Committee of Management and M. Rafeek as Secretary to the Board. The Committee Members elected were T.B. Jayah, Dr. S.A. Imam, M. Mathany Ismail, A.J.A. Cader, M.H.S. Marikar, M.H.M. Naina Marikar, A.J.M. Jameel and M.U.M. Saleem. These posts were held later by leading Muslims who have guided and managed the CMSF to its present position. A.M.A. Azeez held the post of Chairman until 1955 and gave it up after an illustrious decade to devote more time to Zahira College as Principal. M.H.S. Marikar was a pillar of strength for many years from inception and his significant contribution cannot be forgotten.

On 6.11.1945 T.B. Jayah moved the Incorporation Bill in the State Council and the CMSF was incorporated by Ordinance No. 19 of 1946 (Date of Governor’s assent 16.7.1946). The CMSF was recognized as an Approved Charity for tax purposes by Ceylon Govt. Gazette (Extraordinary) No. 10,358 of Friday 22.2.1952.

Vision

The far sighted vision of the Founders formulated ingenious methods for the CMSF to continue ad infinitum.

The students are given interest free loans to pursue higher education which they must pay back when they are in a position to do so, after completing their studies and getting employed. It gives them a sense of dignity. They are not accepting charity. They are morally obliged to repay in order to benefit others like themselves. This is in the best tradition of Islam with its fine sense of brotherhood.

The repayments made by the scholars and possibly with their annual donations by way of gratitude, the CMSF will be a revolving fund, and the charity of the donors will last forever as their donations are recycled over and over again through the CMSF. These will augment the financial resources, increasing every year and enabling more and more students to be assisted – a multiplying effect.

The Members of the Board of Trustees are from various districts of the Island and will be required to go in search of needy students. Once assistance is granted the Trustees will monitor the progress of the students and ensure that repayments are made later.

The students have to sign a bond for repayments. If not legal action would be taken, but this has  been avoided for obvious reasons. Insurance policies for lives of scholars were suggested but the idea was not approved.

The concept of Ramazan Appeals was introduced at the commencement with booklets published annually on different Islamic themes. These publications continued for 13 years. There have been

a large number of benefactors over the years. A saltern in Puttalam was gifted in 1946 by H.S. Ismail (later Speaker) and this is still managed by the CMSF. In the early years fund raising was done by conducting film shows, plays, sports matches, sale of flags and collection tills. Many Memorial Scholarships were created by donors including King Farouk of Egypt in memory of King Fuad and Government of the Maldives in memory of Sultan Amir Abdul Majid Didi. These ceased to continue as the capital of Rs. 5,000/- did not give adequate income for the increasing costs of scholars, and a new Endowment Fund scheme was reintroduced in 1984, where the donors’ perpetuate the memories of their loved ones. The capital is retained intact which will grow in perpetuity and assistance is granted from the income derived. At present 320 Funds are managed which have become the mainstay of the CMSF (details are shown in the Ramazan Appeal 2013). The property, 94, Second Cross Street, Colombo 11, was purchased by the CMSF in December 1950 to derive rental income. It was disposed of in November 1978 to overcome the paucity of funds.

In the early years prizes were awarded annually for religious knowledge exams to encourage such education.

Educational Advancement

The CMSF has assisted over 2,000 scholars who had held and are holding high positions in Sri Lanka and overseas, including the second and third Muslim Civil Servants. In 1946 four scholars entered the Al-Azhar University in Cairo, Egypt for post-graduate studies with the idea of imparting religious knowledge on their return. Another scholar was encouraged to research into Islamic Tamil Literature, who in later life emerged as an Internationally renowned expert on this subject bringing out details of more than 2,000 works of Islamic Tamil Literature.

In 1995 the Golden Jubilee of the CMSF was celebrated at a meeting with Hon. M.H.M. Ashraff as Chief Guest. The other speakers were Dr. A.M.M. Sahabdeen, Dr. Nissanka Wijeyeratne, R. Sivagurunathan, Majid Abdul Cader (President), Ali Azeez (Chairman) and A.S.M. Muzzammil (Secretary). The CMSF was felicitated by Shibly Aziz (Attorney General), Prof. A.H. Sheriffdeen (Professor of Surgery) and S.M. Sabry (Auditor General). A Souvenir was published for the occasion.

The need for assistance by needy Muslim students to pursue higher education is ever increasing and never ending. The repayments by past scholars have not been as expected, and the CMSF has to depend on other benefactors. Therefore, the support of affluent Muslims is sine-qua-non.

Today there are leaders of the Muslim community who in point of education, culture and character are second to none in this country and the Muslims are no longer considered backward. However, in the words of the Founder, “It is not enough to have an enlightened elite, unless the generality of the people are equally enlightened, the Muslim community as a whole must suffer”.

The CMSF has rendered an invaluable service and is a Landmark in the History of Muslim Education. It is another achievement of Dr. A.M.A. Azeez and has left an indelible footprint on the sands of time.

The present officials of the CMSF are S.H.M. Jameel (President), M. Ali Azeez (Chairman, Committee of Management), A.S.M. Muzzammil (Secretary) and Committee Members Dr. A.M.M. Sahabdeen, M.Y.M. Faiz, K.M.H. Akbar, M. Faizer Hashim, M.M.S. Fuard, Dr. M.A.M. Shukri and A.G.A. Barrie.

(A.G.A. Barrie is a distinguished scholar of the CMSF. He hails from Beruwela and excelled in studies, sports and cadeting at Zahira College during the Azeez era. He graduated as a civil engineer from the University of Ceylon in 1960 and emigrated to Canada in 1969. He has excelled Internationally in the field of heavy construction and presently he is a Project Management Consultant)


LANGUAGE AND EDUCATION OF SRI LANKAN MUSLIMS: PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS BY DR. M.A. NUHMAN

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FORTIETH MARHOOM DR. A.M.A. AZEEZ ORATION – 2013

Introduction

Prof. M A NuhmanIt is indeed a great honour to me to be invited to deliver the Dr. A.M.A. Azeez Memorial Oration this year. I wish to express my thanks to the Executive Committee of the Azeez Foundation, especially its President Mr. S.H.M. Jameel and Mr. Ali Azeez, the son of A.M.A. Azeez and the Treasurer of the Azeez Foundation.

I was not fortunate to have a personal acquaintance with A.M.A. Azeez, but I became his admirer after I started reading him from the late 1960s. Azeez was in Kalmunai, my native place, as an Assistant Government Agent for nearly 2 years from 1942 and he left Kalmunai in January 1944, seven months before my birth. However, my father, P. M. Macbool Alim was one of his close associates and one of the members of the Finance Committee of the Kalmunai Muslim Educational Society initiated by Azeez in 1942.

I was living at Kollupitya in Colombo in the early 1970s, in close proximity to the Azeez residence that was in Cinnamon Gardens, but I lost all the opportunities to meet him and to have personal contact with him in his life time due to my ignorance and shyness. But I had an opportunity to listen to his speech when I was a student at the Addalaichchenai Teachers’ Training College in 1963. I do not remember the contents of his speech but the manner in which he delivered his speech, bending over the podium, is still fresh in my mind. It was not an oration but like a personal conversation with us. What I felt was his simplicity and intimacy.

A.M.A. Azeez, (1911-1973), a reputed Sri Lankan Muslim intellectual was born and received his primary and secondary education in Jaffna and served as a civil servant, Senator and Principal of Colombo Zahira College. He was very much respected by both Muslims and Tamils and also by the Sinhalese for his services to the communities and to the nation.

Susil Sirivardana correctly portrays Azeez as an ‘Iconic Nation Builder’ as his thinking and activities were to promote our country as a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and a multi-lingual nation1. He had plenty of opportunities to work closely with other community leaders, intellectuals and professionals to promote social integration.

Azeez was a social critic and a critical thinker but he never had been an antagonist. He was more generous to focus only the positive side of Anagarika Dharmapala2 who was a vehement critic of Muslims and who sowed the seeds of hate in the minds of a section of Buddhist of this country against Muslims during the early 20th century that led to the anti Muslim riots in 1915 and has a far reaching impact until today.

I consider Azeez as one of the makers of Sri Lankan Muslim mind. After Siddi Lebbe, he was the most influential intellectual that the Muslim community ever produced. He was more modern than any of the Muslim leaders of his time not in appearance but in thinking and action. He tried to meaningfully integrate modernity with tradition. He was a realist, a pragmatist and a rational thinker who wanted his community to be continuously in progress. He thought that modern education is the only tool for the progress and upward social mobility of the Muslim community from its backwardness. He also thought that choosing a proper language for education is essential for the advancement and integration of the Muslim community. He has extensively written and spoken on the subject of language and education of Sri Lankan Muslims, continuously for more than three decades from the early 1940s. Even after forty years of his demise in 1973, I think, most of his writing on this subject is still relevant to us, as we could not overcome the dilemma of language and education that we have been experiencing for the last hundred years. We follow the tract of history blindly without knowing our destination.

That is why I have chosen a topic for this occasion: Language and Education of Sri Lankan Muslims: Problems and Prospects. Already I have dealt with this subject in my book Sri Lankan Muslims: Ethnic Identity within Cultural Diversity and in a few other articles. However, today I would like to focus on three areas which have been seriously problematic regarding to our language and education from the late 19th century to date. They are: the problems of mother tongue, medium of education, and the dichotomy between modern and religious education. I would like to deal with these one by one.

Language and Education

Language and education are inherently related. We receive our education and accumulate our knowledge through a language. Language is closely related to the socio-cultural and political life of a community. There is no community without a language. Thus language plays a major role in human societies. It is the part and parcel of social life.

Education is an important indicator of the social and cultural advancement of a community as a whole. It equips peoples to solve their problems and to lead a better life. Islam, the Qur’an and Sunna insist us to educate ourselves and search for knowledge. We proudly speak about this on the platforms but the present reality is different. Statistics show that Muslims are the largest illiterate and uneducated population of the world today. It indicates a serious problem of the Muslim world. However, we, the Sri Lankan Muslims, are in a better position. Our literacy rate and the level of education are high compared to the other Muslim population of the developing countries. But our problems are unique and we have to seriously look into that.

The Problem of Mother Tongue

Sri Lankan Muslims who emerged as a culturally conscious and a politically motivated minority community in modern Sri Lanka are not certain of their mother tongue. Although, a vast majority of them speak Tamil as their mother tongue, they do not show any emotional attachment towards it. This seems to be contradictory but the contradiction is our reality.

Sri Lankan Muslims, who have at least a thousand years of continuous history in this country, 3 speak Tamil not only in the North and East but also in the isolated villages surrounded by predominantly Sinhala speakers in the South. However, the Sri Lankan Muslim elite have been more reluctant to accept Tamil as their mother tongue from the late 19th century obviously for political reasons. They wanted to assert their separate ethnic identity in order to differentiate themselves from the Sri Lankan Tamils whose mother tongue is also Tamil. The Muslim elite argued and maintained that Tamil was not their own language but a borrowed one since they assume that they are the direct descendants of the Arab traders denying their mixed origin. Even in the late 1980s a reputed Sri Lankan Muslim scholar M. M. Uwise maintained that Tamil is the adopted language of Sri Lankan Muslims. According to Uwise “The Tamil language being the language of trade in the areas where the forefathers of the Muslim community settled, they had no difficulty in adopting Tamil as their language of communication with the resident population as well as among themselves and thereby lost interest in Arabic as the spoken language.”4

Since, most of the Muslim elite were uncertain and confused about their mother tongue or their own language, whatever it is, there was a continuous debate among them regarding their mother tongue and their language of education. At first, the Muslims, especially the Colombo based Muslim elite, wanted to disown Tamil as their mother tongue and to adopt Arabic or another language. They believe or pretended to believe that, Arabic is or should be their mother tongue since they traced their origin to the Arab traders, although, very few Sri Lankan Muslims could understand Arabic and no one uses Arabic in day to day communication.

Siddi Lebbe (1838-1898), a leading figure in the Muslim revivalist movement in the late 19th century, wrote in 1884 in his news paper Muslim Nesan that “Muslims should try to adopt Arabic as their home language. If the Portuguese and Dutch who live in Ceylon can forget their mother tongue and speak English why can’t we forget Tamil and make Arabic our mother tongue?”5

Siddi Lebbe ignored the fact that the mother tongue is not a language that is chosen or learned, but it is naturally inherited or acquired. However, two years later Siddi Lebbe changed his mind and put forward a four language policy for the Muslims. He wrote in the same paper in 1886 that “it is important to us who live in this country, to learn Arabic, Tamil, English and Sinhala. In the first place, it is most important to learn Arabic since, our religion, our prayer, and Qur’an are in Arabic. Secondly Tamil; since, it is the language we speak and one who does not know it would be like a blind, and he would need another person’s help. Thirdly English; since it is the language of the rulers, to do any job this language is essential. Fourthly Sinhalese; knowing this language would be very useful since the majority of this country is Sinhalese.”6 Here too we can notice that he has given first place to Arabic because it is the language of the religion of the Muslims which is the primary marker of their ethnic identity.

Badiuddin Mahmud (1904-1997) an emerging politician in the 1940s and ‘50s who would become a powerful Muslim political leader in the 1960s and ‘70s was propagating among the Southern Muslims as far back as from 1938 to learn Sinhala and adopt it as their mother tongue.7

The four language policy of Siddi Lebbe for Muslims was later advocated by many of his followers especially, by A.M.A. Azeez who argued for Tamil as the mother tongue of the Sri Lankan Muslims. He wrote an article in 1941 on the subject entitled “The Ceylon Muslims and the Mother Tongue: Claims for the Tamil Language.”8

He defines mother tongue as “the language in which the mother speaks to the child….the language in which the wife and husband address each other and both of them talk to their children”, and he adds, “Ordinarily there should be in a community no doubt as to what its mother tongue is. But in the case of the Ceylon Moors, confusion in some quarters has arisen as a result of many of the Moors being bilingual and some of them being dissatisfied with the present position and wanting to go after a new mother tongue….some are tempted to advocate Arabic as their future mother tongue and others Sinhalese and still others English. These advocates do not, however, come from the Northern or Eastern parts of Ceylon where no doubt of any kind is entertained as regards to the future status of Tamil.” He also says that “it is unfortunate that there should be some amount of doubt and confusion in a vital matter of this nature with which the cultural and educational future of this community is inextricably involved.”  And he goes on to say, “To answer to the question, what is the mother tongue of the Ceylon Moors, should not be difficult. It is certainly Tamil. The Moors who occupy the Northern and Eastern parts of Ceylon speak no other language. If any of them know another language it is in addition to Tamil, and not in place of it. The Moors occupying the remaining portions of Ceylon speak both Tamil and Sinhalese, and a good number of the male members are equally fluent in both languages. But even in these parts no Ceylon Moor is found whether male or female, who cannot speak Tamil. And all of them use Tamil as their home language. Broadly speaking, the women in these parts are less fluent in Sinhalese than the men. This is a clear indication that Tamil is the mother tongue of the Moors.”

He was not supportive of the idea of switching over to another language. Finally he says that:

“No Ceylon Moor could possibly contemplate the division of his community into two sections, one continuing to have Tamil as the mother tongue and the other choosing a different language. Tamil should therefore continue to be the mother tongue of the Ceylon Moors, whether for its intrinsic value or on account of the extreme difficulty of adopting another. That Tamil already possesses a large amount of first-rate Muslim literature, thanks to the poets and writers of South India, and it is the language used in the ‘kutbas’ and ‘hathees’ of the local ‘imams’ and ‘alims’ are features in favour of Tamil.”

Azeez also argued against some of the English educated Muslim elite who wanted English to be their mother tongue. He wrote in 1953 as follows:

“For the Muslims to look upon English as their mother tongue, merely because they have been given the option of having their children taught in English, is just a fiction, if not a myth. This myth is effectively exploded when we study the linguistic background of the Muslims of Ceylon. As far as I am aware, there is not a single Muslim family in Ceylon, where the home language is English. Several Muslim homes are of course bilingual but even among them, the language of ordinary intercourse is not English. Thus there is neither logic nor realism in the attitude of the Muslims, if they are determined to continue to exercise their option in favour of English.”9

After fifty years of this statement by Azeez, now we see a different scenario, a growing tendency to neglect Tamil and leaning towards Sinhala or English among the Muslims although a vast majority of them still speak Tamil as their mother tongue and use it for their in-group communication wherever they live.

At this point it is appropriate to focus on the problems of medium of education that causes a language shift leading to linguistically dividing the Muslim community.

The Problem of the Medium of Education:

Switching over to Sinhala or English

The medium of education can be defined as the language through which one receives his/her whole education over a specific period. It is almost unanimously accepted by the educationists that one’s mother tongue or the first language should be the language of education at least in the primary and secondary levels. However, there are many societies in the contemporary world, that face some or other problems with regard to the medium of education.

There is a growing tendency among the Southern Muslims to switch over to Sinhala as the medium of instruction during the last few decades and it was also a controversy among the Muslims for a long time.

Sri Lankan societies faced problems of the language of education only when the British colonial rulers introduced the modern education system in this country. Until then the Sri Lankan communities including the Muslims received their traditional education through their mother tongues which remained intact even during the Portuguese and Dutch rule.

The British introduced secular modern education in English in this country in the early 19th century. Christian Missionaries opened English medium schools in the major cities throughout the country. The Sinhalese and the Tamils were largely absorbed into that system since English had become essential for the upward social mobility under the colonial rule.

However, the Muslims resisted modern education in the English medium for a long time. The reasons might be their misconception of English education, orthodoxy, poverty and the close links of English with Christian proselytization. They continued to follow their traditional system of religious education. Although the Muslim revivalists led by Siddi Lebbe tried to bring the Muslim community into the Modern education system from the end of the 19th century and opened English schools for boys and girls in several parts of the Island, the progress of the Muslims in English education was not satisfactory even at the beginning of the 20th century. Higher education among the Muslims was almost zero. As M.M.M. Mahroof pointed out, “among 90 senior boys who passed the Cambridge Examination in 1902 only one was a Muslim; among 116 junior boys in the Examination in the same year there were only 2 Muslims. There were no Muslim girls either in the senior or junior division.”10 English literacy rate among Muslims was much lower even in 1911 than the other communities: Ceylon Moors 1.7%, Ceylon Tamil 4.9% and low country Sinhalese 3.5%.

However, the situation gradually improved from 1930 onwards due to the steps taken at the national level by the government to promote education in the country. It had direct impact on Muslim education too. In 1931 primary education was made compulsory and the government opened more schools island wide. In 1945 free education was introduced throughout the country. Because of these new developments at the national level and some positive steps taken by the Muslim political and intellectual leadership drastically increased the number of the school going Muslim students and it became the fashion  to the upper class Muslims of the urban areas to send their children to the English medium schools.

During this period there was a voice emerging for vernacular education in our country as was the case in India and some other countries under colonial rule. The debate on the importance of the vernacular education continued in the Legislative Council and outside till the 1950s and commissions were also set up. As a result, in 1945 the vernacular was made the medium of education in all primary schools. However, the Muslim leadership did not support this change. Ironically the Muslims, who were first rejecting English education for a long time, now insisted that English should continue as their medium of education as it was essential for their progress. Because of the resistance of the Muslim elite the Muslim children were exempted and the Muslim parents were given the option to choose either Tamil or Sinhala or English as the medium of instruction of their children. According to Azeez “practically every parent opted for English wherever such facilities were available and the wisdom of this decision very few questioned.”

Azeez was very critical of this decision. He wrote in 1953 as follows: “One has therefore only to envisage the conditions in the country fifteen or twenty years hence to realize the unwisdom on the part of a comparatively small community such us the Muslims to continue to exercise their option in favour of English when the English medium has been abandoned by both the Sinhalese and the Tamils who form more than 92% of the population. The Muslims once made the blunder of ignoring English, when the other communities were insistently clamouring for and obtaining more and better English. Now when English is losing its pride of place by the impact of events, the Muslims will blunder again, if they look upon the English medium as their panacea…. The counsel of wisdom as well as safety is for the Muslims to have complete identity of interests with the other communities in the matter of language. The Muslims must therefore adapt themselves to this transition; the alternative involves a swift and sure penalty – isolation and consequent denial of their rightful place in the country.”11

However, fortunately or unfortunately for the Muslims, English could not continue to be a medium of education from the late 1950s. After the political change in 1956 the vernacular education came in to practice up to the university level. All the schools in this country gradually changed to vernacular education dropping English as the medium of instruction and the Muslims had to choose either Tamil or Sinhala as their language of education. As a result, after 1960 a large numbers of Southern Muslims were gradually motivated to choose Sinhala for several reasons.

Although, the Southern Muslim students had opted for the Sinhala medium even before1940, the number was very few. During the last three or four decades it has been gradually increasing and it may further increase in the future. At present around 25% of the total Muslim students’ population are in the Sinhala medium, either in the Sinhala schools in the South or in the Muslim schools that are conducting Sinhala medium classes. Although, it is difficult to get the exact details of the Sinhala medium Muslim students, according to a data we collected ten years ago around 50,000 were studying in many of the Sinhala schools in the 19 districts of Southern provinces, and also in 23 Muslim schools which are conducting Sinhala medium classes now.

For example in the two leading Muslim schools in Colombo, the Muslim Ladies’ College and the Zahira College, more than 60% of the total student population is in the Sinhala medium. If we take the Muslim Ladies’ College alone 68% at the primary level, 55% at the secondary level and 57% at the higher secondary level were studying in Sinhala medium five years ago. The highest percentage in the primary level shows the growing trend towards the Sinhala medium. The information that two Muslim schools, one in Colombo and other in Kurunegala Districts, conduct only Sinhala medium classes is very significant in this respect.

The provincial and district level statistics show some significant differences. First let us look at the provincial statistics. Western 50%, Southern 42%, Uva          27%, Central 15%, Sabaragamuwa 14%, North West 7%, North Central 02%, Eastern            0.32%

The above statistics show that the Muslim students have chosen Sinhala medium to varying degrees. The percentage in the Eastern, North Central and North Western Provinces is insignificant and in the other five provinces it is very significant. The district level statistics gives us some more information. The following 10 districts show significant percentage of Sinhala medium students: Galle 60%, Colombo 50%, Hambantota 41%, Ratnapura 33%, Nuwara Eliya 32%, Badulla         28%, Gampaha 27%, Kandy 15%, Kurunegala 12%, Kalutara 11%.

According to the above statistics in 7 districts more than 25% of the Muslim students are in the Sinhala medium. Galle, Colombo and Hambantota show the highest percentage. This clearly shows a significant shift in the medium of instruction among the Southern Muslims. It is also an indication of a shift in their mother tongue, leading to divide the community into two linguistic groups namely Tamil speaking and Sinhala speaking that was anticipated by Azeez far back as in 1941.12 Azeez continuously argued that Tamil should be the mother tongue and the medium of education of Sri Lankan Muslims. However, history takes us in its own path against the will and wishes of individuals. After fifty years of gradual shift in the medium of education, now we have a Sinhala speaking younger generation within the Muslim community and we can anticipate a clear linguistic division after another fifty years.

Sri Lankan Muslims are the victims of their population distribution and their sociolinguistic conditions determine their choice of language.

Re-emergence of English and the International Schools

Now I want to focus another turn in our language and education that is the re-emergence of English and the mushrooming of the so-called international schools.

If the Bandaranaike lead ‘pancha balavegaya’ revolution in 1956 blindly closed the doors for English in this country and paved the way for the emergence of monolingual communities in our multi lingual nation, the 1977 political change marked an opposite turn. It opened the doors for globalized economy, foreign capital and English. IT and English have become the ‘saviours’ of the nation. This is the case in many other developing countries. World Bank and IMF promote globalization in the developing countries in order to safeguard the interest of foreign capital. It reflects in education too. The global market does not need intellectuals; it needs skilled labourers, technocrats and professionals. Universities are expected to produce such personalities but not intellectuals and critical thinkers. Humanities and social sciences are devalued. Subjects like applied sciences, commerce, management, marketing, tourism, IT and English are promoted. The value based education is replaced by the market based education in the globalized world.

We should understand the re-emergence of English in this background. English is not only a language of communication or a language of knowledge, but it is also a language of power. In fact it is the language of global power. We cannot and should not avoid English in the present context; but we should not fall blindly in to the global trap. English should be taught effectively in the schools as a second language but the English medium education at the school level is still problematic not only in Sri Lanka but also in the other post-colonial countries.

However, on the directive of the Ministry of Education a large number of government schools now conduct English medium classes at the secondary and higher secondary levels without sufficient and competent teaching staff in many of them. They call them bilingual education, a few subjects are taught in English and a few other subjects are taught in the mother tongue of the students.

A large number of Muslim parents eagerly send their children to the English medium classes not only in the urban areas like Colombo and Kandy but also in the semi urban and the rural areas like Mawanella, Kalmunai, Akkaraippattu Addalaichenai and Sammanthurai. At present 43 Muslim schools are conducting English medium classes islandwide. Kandy, Kalutara, Kalmunai, Kegalle, Colombo, Matale, Kurunegala and Puttalam Districts are leading in this respect. Parents do not know the real situation – the insufficient teaching staff and the capability of their children. According to the information I gathered from some of the teachers and principals in the Kalmunai area, with a few exceptions the situation is not satisfactory. Although one or two schools have sent few of their English medium students to the universities and dedicated to continue the English medium, the motivation behind this trend and the educational and social consequences have to be seriously studied in our context.

The craze for English medium education now has become a global phenomenon and it is also an inherent aspect of globalization. As English has become a tool for social power, English teaching has become a big business in many countries including the countries like China. However, educationists and sociologists are very critical of this trend although their voice is unheard. Recently I read an important article on this subject by Guangwei Hu an Associate professor, at the National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. The title of the article is “The Craze for English medium Education in China: driving forces and looming consequences.” He concludes his paper as follows: “Chinese-English bilingual education not only perpetuates the existing unequal and hierarchical distribution of power and access to cultural and symbolic capital but is creating new forms of inequality and further differentiating the Chinese society.” It is the case in India and would be in Sri Lanka.

At this point I should say few words on the complete English medium education given from the primary classes in the so-called International schools. For the last two or three decades the international schools are mushrooming everywhere in the Island particularly in the Muslim areas. There is no authentic statistics of these schools and the student population. According to ‘the Report on Issues Related to Education of the Muslim Community in Sri Lanka’ submitted to the Minister of Education in 2009, there are 20 such schools managed by Muslims in the city of Colombo and this is the situation in many of the Provincial Capital Cities and approximately 18000 – 20000 thousand students are attending, the Report says.13 However, we do not have the exact data of the schools and the students. The number might be more. A friend of mine told me that there are 16 such schools in Akurana alone.

These schools are not monitored by the Ministry of Education. They are registered under Company Law at the Ministry of Commerce and managed by individuals independently. This indicates how the education has become a commercial venture in our country. The capacity of teaching staff, facilities and the qualities are questionable in many of these schools. However, a large number of the Muslim parents send their children to these so-called International Schools for various reasons. Most of them are crazy of English education and wanted their children speak English. For them English is equal to knowledge, prestige and pride. They do not have the intention to educate their children continuously. Those who find it difficult to get admission in the Government schools, especially to grade one – it is a real problem for many – also send their children to these international schools without any other alternative. They are like the passengers who got into the bus without knowing their destination. 

Schooling of Muslim Children and the school facilities are very much neglected especially in the Sinhala Majority South both by the Muslim community itself and the state and that is one of the reasons for the mushrooming of international schools. This phenomenon has to be studied seriously to find suitable solutions.

Whatever the problems related to the language and education that the Muslim community is facing today, Muslim education in this country has been developing slowly but steadily for the last hundred years amidst these problems. The number of schools and school going children are increased. There are 800 Muslim schools island wide and more than 350,000 students are attending these schools, although with minimum facilities particularly in the Southern Districts. The number of university graduates and post-graduates, men and women, in different fields has also increased, although, their ethnic ratio is still in a low state, comparing with the other ethnic groups. There is a growing middle class and a professional class and also university academics among the Muslim community. There are two colleges of education exclusively for Muslims and also a national university predominantly for Muslims situated in the South East. Our Muslim youths, boys and girls, in considerable number also go abroad each year for their higher studies in different fields. This may give a picture that Muslims are advancing in Education. I think it is true only in a technical sense.

I have a question whether we are an educated community at large in its true sense capable to solve rationally our socio cultural problems that we are facing in the modern age. Our tendency is to go back to our tradition and to our religious leadership for solutions to our problems, but our religious leadership is mostly conservative and sectarian and also has developed an antipathy towards modernity and cultural change. At this point it is better to look at briefly the state of religious education in our country.

The State of Islamic Education and Arabic Colleges

Until the end of 19th century, education means only the religious education and according to an Education Department Report, in 1883 there were 5910 Qur’an madrasas throughout the country and these were the centres of Muslim education. They taught the Muslim children to read Qur’an and the Islamic practice. Till the middle of the 20th century the Sri Lankan Muslims mostly depended on South India for their traditional religious education and they had to go to Kiilakkarai or Kaayalpatinam to be trained in Islamic scholarship and to become ulama. However, the traditional Islamic teaching in Sri Lanka as against modern education and modernization and to keep the Muslim community within the traditional Islamic frame was started in the late 19th century. The Madrasatul Bari, the first Arabic college in Sri Lanka to train Sri Lankan Muslims in traditional Islamic scholarship, was established in 1884 at Weligama in the Southern Province. Following this several Arabic colleges established in Galle (1892), Kinniya (1899), Maharagama (1931) and Matara (1915) and hundreds of ulama were produced by these colleges. They were responsible for preaching Islam and to develop religious consciousness among the Muslims.

After Independence Arabic colleges mushroomed in Sri Lanka owing to the Islamic resurgence. From 1884 to 1950 only 15 Arabic colleges were established in Sri Lanka. However, from 1950 to 2000 a little more than 100 colleges were established. That shows the trend of traditional Islamic resurgence during the period. At present more than 150 Arabic colleges are functioning in our country. In the year 2000 there were 101 Arabic colleges registered at the Department of Muslim Cultural Affairs. Others were not registered. Among the registered colleges 88 were for men and 13 for women.14 Around 1000 students pass out annually as maulawis from these Arabic colleges. There is a recent trend of starting ‘informal’ Arabic colleges in the mosques by the Islamic groups and individuals in many parts of the country. However, there is no authentic information about these ‘informal’ colleges.

Most of the students of these madrasas come from lower income families, and orphans are also enrolled. There are a few colleges established specially for orphans. Some of the parents send their delinquent children to these colleges to bring them up as good and respectable persons. Some of the dedicated members of the Islamic da’wah movements also send at least one of their children to these colleges to dedicate them to the service of Allah. The middle and upper class parents rarely send their children to these madrasas.

Most of these madrasas still teach the subjects based on the Darse Nilami curriculum designed by Maulana Mulla Nilamuddeen of India in the middle of the 18th century. This curriculum includes the subjects, Arabic language and grammar, logic, philosophy, tafzir, and Sharia.15 Modern developments of thought in the Islamic world are not incorporated into their curriculum and they strictly adhere to the traditional interpretation of Islam of a particular school of their choice. A vast majority of these madrasas follow the Shafi school of thought. They exclude the secular subjects introduced by the modern educational system.

However, there have been some positive changes in the curriculum at least in some of the Arabic colleges from 1970s. They incorporated the school curriculum as part of their teaching programme. They also prepare their students for the public examinations of G.C.E. (O/L) and (A/L) conducted by the Department of Examinations. Most of the madrasa students wanted to sit these examinations in order to secure Government jobs and the madrasa administrations had to arrange special classes or allow their students to study themselves to sit this examination.

In all these Arabic colleges, the main component of teaching – the Arabic and Islamic component – is mostly on the conservative traditional line. They give more importance to sharia as a sacred and static doctrine of Islamic law without a proper understanding of the evolutionary nature of sharia. They do not take account of the ever changing nature of society and they are unable to interpret Islam as a religion suitable to the contemporary modern world.16

Most of the ulama, who pass out from these Arabic colleges have developed an antipathy towards the new cultural changes. I personally witnessed the worst kind of such antipathy a few years ago. A young maulavi seriously criticized in his Friday sermon in a Kandyan village mosque the use of toothpaste and brush for cleaning mouth instead of using meswak which was used by the Prophet and his companions. Ironically, a tiny FM microphone attached to his outer garment took his voice to the amplifier and the electric fans were working inside the mosque, which were unimaginable during the Prophet’s time. This indicates the type of training they receive from these madrasas.

Arabic competence is also very poor among the students. They are taught mostly in the Tamil medium. According to Barie, a senior lecturer in the Department of Arabic and Islamic Studies, University of Peradeniya, only 5% of the students of these colleges have a good competence in Arabic, because the teaching methods are more traditional and not innovative. A principal of a leading Arabic college in the Ampara District told me that they could not employ even their students to their teaching staff because of their competence in Arabic is not up to the expected standard. It is regrettable that after seven to eight years of teaching Arabic, the Arabic colleges could not produce maulavis who are competent in Arabic, the language of Qur’an.

Siddi Lebbe in the late 19th century seriously criticized the content and the methods of teaching in the Arabic colleges in his time.17 He wrote lengthily about this in his book Asrarul Aalam which is still valid in our context too. It is appropriate to quote one of his paragraphs here:

 “Language is a key with which the door of the repository of knowledge should be opened and the riches taken out. Most of the theologians and sheikhs in this country are in the situation of those who, holding a key that cannot open the door of the repository, thinking that they have made all the riches in their own. People maintaining religious schools should heed what I have said above and affect changes.”

However, as we noted here, there is no drastic change in the curriculum, the method of teaching and the training given in most of the Arabic colleges even in the 21st century. In my opinion, the Departments of Arabic and Islamic Studies in our Universities too not substantially differentiate themselves from these Arabic colleges in content and approach. It is unfortunate that our religious leadership, the ulama, is unable to lead us to solve our problems we face in the rapidly changing world.

Dichotomy between Religious and Modern Education

To conclude my talk, finally, I want to say a few words about the dichotomy between the religious and modern education. It is obvious that we, specifically our theologians firmly maintain a dichotomy between modern and religious education and keep them separately without trying to rationally integrate them. For many of us the modern education gives us knowledge that is non Islamic which only helps us in our worldly affairs, to get us jobs and to our upward social mobility. On the other hand, the religious education gives us knowledge that is Islamic, and divinely that only will lead us to our permanent place in the next world. Some extreme Islamic groups still argue that education means only religious education and secular education is un-Islamic.

However, Islam, the Qur’an does not compartmentalize the knowledge (ilm) into two incompatible categories. It insists us to think and search for knowledge and to discover the secrets of nature and the universe created by Allah. The early Muslims who followed this path laid the foundation and paved the way for the modern science. Unfortunately they could not continue to change the world. The theologians of the middle ages closed the doors for independent scientific thinking and made Islam mere ritualistic undermining the spiritual dynamics of Islam in the name of Sharia. However, the Christian West picked up the scientific knowledge produced by the early Muslims and went far to discover the laws of nature and the universe and produced the modern science and technology and transformed the world rapidly. Now we have become mere consumer of their discoveries and the victims of their dominance.

This dichotomy between Modern and religious education places us in a dilemma. We couldn’t rationally integrate them to find solution for our problems of modern times, although the Qur’an insists us to think and use our reason. The problem of moon sighting during the month of Ramadan is a very simple example. We all feel uncomfortable and critical about this problem but we are unable to find a rational solution using our knowledge of modern science to prepare a permanent Islamic calendar. We think it is against Sharia. But we calculate our prayer times minutely into seconds and prepare annual calendar for daily prayer using our modern knowledge, although our prophet did not use such accurate calendar or time clock. But we couldn’t use the same knowledge and principle to calculate a lunar calendar because of our misconception of Sharia.

Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad, a great Islamic scholar and a rational interpreter of Qur’an, who was the first Minister of Education of Independent India, usefully differentiates Deen from Sharia in his book Dharjumanul Qur’an. According to him, Deen represents the basic principles and value system of Islam which are universal and permanent. Sharia represents the laws and code of conduct of Islamic communities which are not universal and vary from time to time and place to place according to the historical and social conditions of the Muslim communities.18 If the Muslims consider this differentiation seriously and use their knowledge of modern education and reason to place Sharia in its historical context in order to understand it properly, we can overcome number of problems the tradition poses on us. We will become modern in its multiple sense and we can establish Islam as a religion of modern world.

Muslims are in a socio cultural and political crisis all over the world, on the one hand due to the hegemonic powers, on the other hand due to their own dilemma of handling modernity and tradition. We should use the Qur’anic principles of independent and rational thinking to overcome the problems. We should develop a holistic view on modern and religious education and should rationally integrate them. I think that is the key to our success.

 

References

1.      Sirivardana, Susil (2009), Dr. A.M.A. Azeez – Iconic Nation Builder, Dr. A M A Azeez Foundation, Colombo.

2.     Azeez, A.M.A. (2011) The West Reappraised, Dr. A.M.A. Azeez Foundation, Colombo.Pp.29-42

3.     Dewaraja, Lorna (1994), The Muslims of Sri Lanka: One Thousand Years of Ethnic Harmony 900 – 1915, Lanka Islamic Foundation, Colombo

4.     Uwise, M.M. (1986) “The Language and Literature of the Muslims” in An Ethnological Survey of the Muslims, Sir Razik Fareed Foundation, Colombo. P.150

5.     Quoted in Ameen, M.I.M. (2000) Ilankai Muslimkalin Varalaarum Kalaasaaramum, Al Hasanath Publication, Hemmathgama, P.121

6.     Nahiya, A.M. (1991), Azeezum Thamilum, IQRA Publishers, Ninthavur,Pp.9-10.

7.     Haseer, A.W.M. (1989), Enkal Thalaivar Badiuddeen, Thamil Manram, Galhinna, Pp.224-226

8.     Azeez, A.M.A. (2009), Muslim Education in Sri Lanka, Dr. A M A Azeez Foundation, Colombo. Pp.177-181

9.     Azeez, A.M.A. (2009) P.66

10.  Mahroof, M.M.M. (1986), “The Fortunes of the Muslims in the Period 1901 – 1948” in An Ethnological Survey of the Muslims, Sir Razik Fareed Foundation, Colombo. P.98

11.  Azeez, A.M.A. (2009), P.65

12.  Azeez, A.M.A. (2009) P.181

13.  Ministry of Education (2009), Report on Issues Related to Education of the Muslim Community of Sri Lanka, Colombo, Pp. 61-63

14.  Barie, M.S.A. (2004), ‘Ilankay Arapu Madarasaakkalin Paadattiddam – Poothanaamurai –oru Vimarsana Aayvu” in Rabita, Vol.1 2004, Beruwala, Pp 16-27

15.  Saeed, Javaid (1994), Islam and Modernization: A Comparative Analysis of Pakistan, Egypt and Turkey, Prager Publishers, London, Pp103-107

16.  Ahamed, Akbar S. (2003) Islam Under Siege, Vistar Publishers, New Delhi, Pp144-145

17.  Siddi Lebbe (1983), Asrarul Aalam, Moor Islamic Cultural Home, Colombo

18.  Azad, Maulana Abul kalam (1980) Tarjuman al Qur’an, Vol.1, Sahitya Academy, New Delhi, Pp.351-354

 

About the Speaker

Dr. M. A. Nuhman (1944 – ), a Retired Professor of Tamil is a well known poet, literary critic, linguist and a creative translator in Tamil.

He obtained his BA and B Phil in Linguistics at the University of Colombo, MA in Tamil at the University of Jaffna and PhD in Linguistics at the Annamalai University, India and he was teaching Tamil language, literature and Linguistics at the University of Jaffna and the University of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka for more than thirty years from 1976 until his retirement in 2009. He has also worked as an academic consultant at the South Eastern University and the Open University of Sri Lanka. He was a Visiting Professor at the Tamil University in India, the University of Malaya, Malaysia and the SIM University of Singapore.

He has also worked as a teacher in various government schools in different parts of the country for 15 years before he joined the university system.

He was a member of the Board of Directors of the International Centre for Ethnic Studies, Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation and was a member of the Official Language Commission, Sri Lanka and the Academic Board of the National Institute of Language Education and Training. Presently he is a member of the Advisory Board of the Centre for Contemporary Indian Studies, University of Colombo.

As an author, editor and translator he has published 35 books in Tamil as well as in English apart from a large number of articles and poems published in various journals and magazines. 

The Land of the Pure and True (Muslims in China) By Ethar El-Katatney

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islam in chinaI got into a rickshaw in Beijing and my 65–year-old wrinkled driver immediately whizzed me through the hutongs — old, narrow alleyways. He looked at me and talked in Chinese. I turned to my guide.

"He's asking where you are from." "Aygee," I replied in my broken Chinese — meaning "Egypt." He pointed at my headscarf. "Are you Hindu?" "No! Muslim." He smiled and pointed to himself. "Moosleeman."

For many people, it comes as a shock to learn that officially there are at least 20 million Muslims in China- that is a third of the UK's total population. Unofficially, the number is even higher, some saying 65.3 million and even 100 million Muslims in China — up to 7.5 percent of the population.

Regardless of the real figure, the reality is that Islam in China is almost as old as the revelation of Islam unto Prophet Muhammad. Twenty years after the Prophet's death, diplomatic relations were established with China by Caliph Uthman. Trade was followed by settlement, until eighty years after the Hijrah, pagoda-style mosques appeared in China.

A century later, in 755, it became common for Chinese emperors to employ Muslim soldiers in their armies and also as government officials.

Today, the population of China includes 56 ethnic groups, 10 of which are Muslim. Out of these 10 minority groups, the Hui (short for Huizhou) are the largest group at 9.8 million, making up 48 percent of China's Muslim population.

The second largest group is Uyghurs at 8.4 million, or 41 percent of the Chinese Muslim population. The Hui speak Chinese, unlike Uyghurs and five other Muslim ethnic groups, which speak Turkic languages. Overwhelmingly Sunni in belief and practice, the Hui are ethnically and culturally Chinese, virtually indistinguishable from the Han, who make up China's billion-strong community. If my rickshaw driver had not told me he was Muslim, I would have never guessed.

For over a millennium, and across five major imperial dynasties, the Hui have lived in China peacefully, spreading in every province and contributing to every aspect of Chinese life, from the military and economy to arts and sciences.

Thriving in a non-Muslim civilization, the Hui managed to create an indigenous Islamic culture that is uniquely and simultaneously Chinese and Muslim.

Their experience, as Dru Gladney, author of Dislocating China,  puts it, is a "standing refutation of Samuel Huntington's clash of civilizations." No identity crisis whatsoever!

Ethar with a group of  Chinese Muslim women.

Harmony

Islam began in an Arab region.On the surface, it seemed to be at complete odds with Chinese traditions and Confucianism, which at the time was the official religion of China.

Ancient Chinese people saw their civilization as the epitome of human development, and had Islam been presented as an alien faith, they would have rejected it completely and seen it as unworthy, with no place in their world.Islam in China would have become isolated, and perhaps as fleeting as Christianity was.

"But this was unacceptable," said the Imam of the Grand Mosque of Xian, the first mosque to be built in China almost 1,400 years ago. Sitting in front of him, trying not to gawp at the incredible architecture surrounding me, I asked him why.

"Chinese Muslims love their country and its people. We are Chinese. We cannot be part of China. There is even a hadith that says, 'Love of your country is part of faith,'" he said.

The Hui scholars therefore searched to find the common ground between Islam and the main faiths of China: Confucianism, Daoism (Taoism), and Buddhism. They became experts in Islamic and Chinese texts, traditions, and practices, and without their efforts, Chinese Muslim culture would have remained alien and foreign, isolated and far removed from the community.

In Western discourse, Dr. Umar Abdullah of the Nawawi Foundation told me, many scholars argue that in order to integrate into the country, Chinese Islam was Sinicized, which means orthodox Islamic faith and practice was made Chinese. The most evident example of how Chinese Muslims created their own unique forms of cultural expressions is their mosques, of which  around 45,000 exist in China.

Stunningly beautiful, the mosques are quintessentially both Chinese and Muslim. My first sight of a Chinese mosque literally took my breath away. On the outside, they are built in traditional Chinese style, with pagoda-like roofs, Chinese calligraphy, and Chinese archways.

On the inside, however, the Islamic influences are crystal clear: beautiful Chinese Arabic calligraphy, an octagonal minaret, and a mihrab, a Chinese Imam lecturing in Mandarin and making supplication in perfect Arabic.

Examples of the fusion of Chinese and Islamic traditions are everywhere.

In Xian, where an estimated 90,000 Muslims live, while wandering through a noisy souvenir market, I came across traditional wall hangings with Arabic hadith written in calligraphy, porcelain tea sets with Qur'anic verses inscribed on them, popular red amulets with an attribute of Allah at the center rather than the traditional Chinese zodiac animal, rosaries with a Name of Allah printed on each bead in Chinese characters, and Qur'an copies printed in both Chinese and Arabic.

Writing

mosquesin_china
Chinese Muslims create their own unique forms of cultural expressions through their mosques.

When it comes to language, rather than transliterating Arabic terms into words that might be mispronounced and misunderstood — since the Chinese writing system is not phonetic — the early Hui scholars decided to choose words that best reflected the meanings of the Arabic terms and, at the same time, were meaningful in Chinese tradition.

Their purpose in doing this was twofold: (1) They showed the Chinese community that they respected, believed in, and honored the Chinese tradition, and (2) Islamic concepts, which in Arabic might have seemed inconceivable, were not only relatable, but even similar.

The Qur'an, for example, was referred to as the Classic: The sacred books of China were called the Classics, and as such the Qur'an was psychologically put in the same category. Islam was translated as Qing Zhen Jiao ("The religion of the Pure and the Real").

At the great Mosque of Xian, Chinese characters proclaim, "May the religion of the Pure and the Real spread wisdom throughout the land."

Haroun Khanmir, a 24-year-old Islamic studies student at the Xiguian mosque in Lingxia, has studied Arabic for 4 years. "Being fluent in Chinese and Arabic allows me to appreciate the brilliance of the terms chosen.They have so many nuances that instantly explain the true essence of Islam using main Chinese values."

When comparing Islamic and Chinese traditions, the Hui scholars searched for common ground, coming up with five main principles that both traditions shared. And although they were clear about where Islamic belief deviated from Chinese thought, they did not set out to reject Chinese tradition and prove why it was wrong.

Instead, they showed how Islam added to it. By not painting Islamic and Chinese tradition in binary opposition where belief in the former meant rejection of the latter; they avoided distressing Muslims who were very much Chinese.

"I consider myself 100 percent Chinese," said smiling 18-year-old Ahmed Dong, dressed in a white thobe and turban. "And I don't see why, even with different politics and languages and beliefs, we can't be so; we share the same language, customs, and culture.”

“Our country is so diverse, and yet unity is a value we all wish to have, rather than living separately."

One of the hundreds of students at the Xiguian mosque who come from a number of different ethnic backgrounds and study the Qur'an, Hadith, Arabic, English, as well as computer skills, Dong hopes to continue his studies in an Arabic country, and then come back and do Da`'wah in China, raising awareness of Islam.

 

This piece was first published on Emel magazine. It is re-published here with copyright permission from the writer.

Race in Sri Lanka: What genetic evidence tells us By Asiff Hussein

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Muslims least exclusive community in Sri Lanka

 

Race is a touchy issue almost everywhere in the world but nowhere is this more pronounced than in countries where there is a plurality of peoples. People become more race conscious when another group of people differing in physical features, language, culture and religion live in their midst. The greater the difference, the greater the distance. But there is one little thing that people often miss out on, which is that all races can freely interbreed with one another. This, needless to say, points only to one fact, that all humans have a common origin. From the Darkest African to the Fairest European or the Red Indian from a continent discovered a little over 500 years ago, all men are one. The Biblical story of Adam and Eve after all does seem to have a factual basis.

The latest genetic studies done on Sri Lankan populations have overturned some popular misconceptions with regard to race exclusiveness. For one thing, it has shown that the country’s Muslims known as the Moors, are the least exclusive of the peoples studied. On the other end of the spectrum are the Veddahs, who, despite some intermarriage with neighbouring Sinhalese have managed to preserve much of their original gene pool that goes back to the island’s Stone Age.

The study Development of Databases for Autosomal, Y-Chromosomal and Mitochondrial DNA Markers and their application in forensic casework and population genetics in Sri Lankan Populations by Dr. Ruwan Illeperuma took into consideration paternally inherited Y-Chromosome DNA, maternally inherited mitochondrial DNA and non-sex determined autosomal markers. It revealed some interesting facts on the peopling of Sri Lanka which both confirm and question established notions of race in the country.

Muslims least exclusive

The country’s Muslims, the Moor community have been shown to be genetically the most diverse of all communities, challenging the stereotype of the Moors being a rather exclusive people who hardly marry outside. Dr. Illeperuma found that the Muslims (Moors) possessed greater genetic diversity than the other ethnic groups studied, which would indicate that they have mixed more with others. For instance with regard to Autosomal or Chromosomal Non-Sex-inherited DNA, the Moors were shown to be the most heterozygous of the groups studied. This suggests greater gene flow into the Moor community from other communities when compared with the rest of the groups studied. This indicates that they had freely intermarried with these other groups.

Further with regard to paternally inherited Y-chromosomal DNA, the Moors were shown to possess certain male lineages that came from other communities and most closely approached those of the Sinhalese. They had the lowest number of population-specific haplotypes (Y-STR haplotypes), which indicates more sharing of male haplotypes with others than the other groups shared with each other. Furthermore, a phylogenetic analysis of male-inherited Y-chromosome haplotypes showed the Sinhalese to be closest to the Moors in male lineages when compared with the other groups.

With regard to maternally-inherited Mt DNA, the Moors shared the greatest proportion of non-unique haplotypes (HVS1) with others showing that they had been subjected to gene flow from the other groups in connection with female lineages. The Mt DNA tree indicated a clustering of Sinhalese and Moors, suggesting a close affinity when compared to the Veddahs and Sri Lankan Tamils. This suggests a greater contribution to their maternal lineages from the Sinhalese. Dr. Illeperuma however cautioned that the small number of Moors represented in the study does not permit us to be conclusive in this regard and that it is only a larger sample that could be reliably taken to be representative of the community as a whole.

What all this suggests is that the Moors have been the least exclusive of the country’s major communities, as far as the genetic evidence is concerned. That their maternally-inherited Mt DNA should closely resemble that of the Sinhalese should not come as a surprise given the historical evidence for Moor men espousing Sinhalese women. There is considerable evidence to show that the early Arabian settlers of the country intermarried with the daughters of the land. These early seafaring Muslims who arrived to trade here did not bring women with them and so married local women when they chose to settle down here.

The Moors of Akurana for instance trace their descent to three Arabian mercenaries who espoused Kandyan women during the reign of King Rajasinha II (1635-1687). The Gopala (Betge Nilame) family of Moors domiciled in Getaberiya in the Kegalle district likewise claim descent from Arab physicians who arrived in the country from Sind during the reign of King Parakramabahu II (1236-1270) of Dambadeniya and espoused Sinhalese women. Indeed, some of the members of this clan are said to have been given in marriage daughters of the Kandyan nobility. According to a surviving member of the clan who is now over 90 years old, Mohamedu Udayar of Gevilipitiya, oral tradition passed down the generations has it that their first ancestor who settled in the country took in marriage Tikiri Kumari, daughter of Unambuve Rala. This is interesting since the Govi clan of Unambuva were deemed to be of a very high status in Sinhalese society, being a clan with which even Sinhalese royalty, including the last true Sinhalese monarch, Narendra Sinha, married into. In fact, we were informed by Sheikh Mohamadu Udayar’s son, Sheikh Hamees that his father is still addressed as Nilame by elderly village folk while he too has been addressed as Punchi Nilame. The women of the clan he pointed out are likewise addressed as Menike. Titles such as these were used in the olden days only to address those of a high social standing.


However it was not only women of the higher classes of Sinhalese that the Moors espoused. E.B. Denham observed in his Ceylon at the Census of 1911: “Amongst the Moors in Colombo and Galle at the present day there must be a fairly considerable infusion of Sinhalese blood; the number of Sinhalese women married to or living with Moors is fairly large”. We even hear of a Moor who had settled in a village of the untouchable Rodi caste of the Sinhalese, sharing their life and enjoying connubium with them, if we are to believe M.D.Raghavan who observed as such in his work Handsome Beggars. The Rodiyas of Ceylon published in 1957.


What is however interesting is that their paternally-inherited Y-chromosome DNA also showed some affinity with others, especially the Sinhalese, which may perhaps best be explained on the basis that some Sinhalese males entered the Moor community by way of adoption. There exists considerable evidence to show that the Moors of a little over a century ago adopted Sinhalese boys and girls, and brought them up as Muslims G.A. Dharmaratna observed in the latter part of the 19th century, in his work Kara-Goi Contest (1890) that “the Moors add to their number poor Singhalese boys and girls who are duly received into their community”. And Paul E. Pieris could observe in the early part of the twentieth century, in his monumental work Ceylon. The Portuguese Era (1914) that the adoption of boys of other communities was “still a popular practice among the Moors”.
What all this shows is that the Moors of old do not seem to have harboured racial prejudices of any kind, unlike some who do today. It was probably in keeping with the spirit of their Islamic faith, which, like Christianity, held that all humans had a common origin – from Adam and Eve.

 

Extracted from the Sunday Times, 26th January.2014

Nostalgic memoirs of a great personality

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Arasi Marikar Wapchie Marikar (born 1829, died 1925)

The Colombo National Museum and the Moorish Muslims of Sri Lanka
Mohammed Jehan Khan.

The construction of the Museum was carried out by Arasi Marikar Wapchie Marikar (born 1829, died 1925, aka Wapchi Marikar Bass, who was descended from the Sheikh Fareed family of Iraq who arrived in Ceylon in 1060 AD). Wapchie Marikkarwas a Renowned Architect and a Mason of British ceylon who constructed The General Post Office, also known as the GPO, the headquarters of the Sri Lanka Post, Colombo Museum, Colombo Customs, Old Town Hall in Pettah, the Galle Face Hotel, Victoria Arcade, Finlay Moir building, the Clock Tower, Batternburg Battery etc. The Old Town Hall in Pettah, which is now a busy market, was built on a contract for the sum of 689 Streling Pounds.

In January 1877, the completed building of the Colombo Museum was declared open by His Excellency, Governor Gregory, in the presence of a large crowd, amongst which there were many Muslims present. At the end of the ceremony, His Excellency asked Arasi Marikar Wapchi Marikar what honour he wished to have for his dedication. The same question was asked by His Excellency from the carpenter who assisted Wapchi Marikar with the wood work of the Museum who desired a local Rank and was honoured accordingly. Wapchi Marikar, noticing the large number of Muslims present, feared that they would spend their time at the Museum on Friday during the Islamic congregation prayer, and requested that the Museum be closed on Fridays. This request has been adhered to by all authorities in charge of the Museum to this day.

 

Colombo Museum in 1880

Colombo Museum in 1880

Colombo Museum Today

 

Colombo Museum Today

Islam’s Journey Into Southeast Asia

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By Farrukh I. Younus
Freelance Writer, Globetrotter
Sunday, 25 May 2014 00:0001-IslamsJourney-Into-Southeast-Asia

Defined as the region of land between India to the west, China to the north, and the Pacific Ocean to the east, Southeast Asia today comprises 10 countries: Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Burma, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand (Siam), and Vietnam.

Allah Almighty speaks of traveling to different lands in the Qur'an. Today we find the essential foundations of faith in all Muslim countries, yet we have regional interpretations, from the apparently traditional interpretation found in rural Thailand to the dynamic face of Islam in Singapore.

Thus while we can trace the route of Islam when it spread into certain countries, we can also see how the synthesis of pre-Islamic regional culture and the teachings of Islam created different communities, all of which share the same common foundations.

From the early days of Islam we know of two routes eastwards: the land route and the sea route to China which, for example, the uncle of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) Saad ibn Abi Waqqas sailed.

Accounts of how Islam spread to this region vary according to different translations. Credit should be given to Professor Masud ul-Hassan, whose large text History of Islam, Vol. II, I used as a primary source.

To quickly skip to a particular region click one of the following:

  • Vietnam
  • Malacca
  • Aceh
  • Demak
  • Southeast Asian Islands

Vietnam: 11th Century02-IslamsJourney-Into-Southeast-Asia

Noon ceremony at the Cao Dai Temple, near Tay Ninh. Founded in Vietnam in the late 1920s, Cao Daiism combines elements of Christianity, Buddhism, Islam, Confucianism, Hinduism, Geniism, and Taoism.

The Kingdom of Chams flourished in Vietnam until the 17th century. Between 1607 and 1676 the King of Champa accepted Islam. The area where the king and his settlers lived is known as Kompong Cham and they settled along the Mekong River in Vietnam in a group of 13 villages.

Throughout this period, the children would be sent to Kelanten (Malaysia) to study the Qur'an and Islamic studies, and would return to teach others in their village.

During the 17th century the Champa provinces were gradually conquered by the Vietnamese. The Vietnamese king Minh Mong persecuted the Champa, as a result of which the Champa Muslim king Po Chen gathered his people. Those on the mainland migrated to Cambodia, and those in the coastal provinces migrated to Trengannu (Malaysia).

However, not all of the Muslims migrated; some chose to stay in the central provinces of Vietnam such as Nha Trang, Phan Rang, Phan Ri, and Phan Thit. Because of their isolation from other Muslim communities, their Islam was strongly influenced by Hinduism and Buddhism, and their descendants over time lost the Islam which originally came to Vietnam.

Speaking of the early trade routes, Hourani observed that the people of Vietnam were exposed to Muslim traders in the 7th century:

After the passage through the Malacca Strait, known to the Arabs by its Malay name of Salaht ("Strait"), a call was made at Tiuman Island. Next cutting across to Indo-China, they stopped at ports in Sanf, the Champa kingdom in the eastern coastal, then at an island off the coast, known as Sanf Fulaw (corrupted in our texts to "Sandar Fulat"). From there vessels might coast round the Gulf of Tongking to Hanoi, known as Luqin, before they made for their final destination, Canton, which was called Khanfu.

Maspero opined that some Champa had already accepted Islam towards the end of the Sung dynasty from the 10th to the 11th century. Recent excavations have uncovered two gravestones of Champa Muslims with Kufic inscriptions dating back to 1030, which suggest that there existed a Muslim Champa community in the 10th century.

Malacca: 1400-151103-IslamsJourney-Into-Southeast-Asia

According to tradition Parameswara's successor Raja Tengah saw the Prophet Mohammed in a dream and was told by him that he would see a boat from Juddah arrive, carrying a man who would perform his prayer on the Malacca shore. Upon arrival of the boat the Raja converted to Islam.

The first Muslim state to be established on the Malayan mainland was the state of Malacca. By the end of the 14th century, Parmeswara, a prince of the Hindu state of Mujaphait in Indonesia, migrated to Malaya and captured the island of Tumasik, turning it into a pirate base from where to attack ships.

Ejected from Tumasik by the Siamese who controlled the area, Parmeswara settled in Malacca, which grew from a small fishing village to a major port. As Siam was hostile to Parmeswara, he sought the protection of the Chinese and established cordial relations with the neighboring states of Sumatra.

Parmeswara married a Muslim princess of the state of Samudra Pasai in Sumatra and accepted Islam, adopting the name Muhammad Iskandar Shah. Islam thus came to Malaya in the 15th century, and Iskandar Shah died in 1424.

Iskander Shah was succeeded by his son Sri Maharaja, who ruled for 20 years. When he died, he left two sons: Raja Kassim and Dewa Shah. With the help of Malayan chiefs, Dewa Shah took authority but was overthrown by his brother Raja who, upon taking office, took the name Muzaffar Shah. Under his authority Islam became the state religion.

Threatened by the growing commercial strength of Malacca, Siam attacked it by land and sea. When this failed, Siam made peace with Malacca by recognizing its independence. Muzaffar Shah ruled for 15 years and died in 1459. His son Manzur Shah took over, and it was under his authority that Malacca expanded, conquering the neighboring states of Pahang, Perak and Kelentan.

In the south, Johore and the islands adjoining the peninsula were brought under Malaccan control. Campaigns were then taken against Sumatra and the states of Batak, Kokan, Siak, Kampar, Indiragiri, and Jambi.

Manzur Shah took steps to promote Islam, and Malacca became the center from which Islam spread into Southeast Asia. He ruled for 18 years and died in 1477, by which time Malacca had become the strongest state in Southeast Asia.

Manzur Shah was succeeded by his son Alauddin Riyat Shah. He adorned Malacca with various public buildings and further expanded the dominion of Islam, spreading to Java, Sundar, the Molucass, Brunei, and the outlaying islands of Sumatra. He ruled for 11 years and died in 1488.

Alauddin was followed up by his son Mahmud Shah. He lacked the vision of his father and grandfather, so authority was managed by the chief minister. The Portuguese arrived in Malacca in 1509 under the auspices of trade, but merchants from Goa, India, warned the Malaccans of the Portuguese' intention. They left unsuccessful. In 1510 Mahmud Shah had his chief minister killed, which act led to a state of chaos. The Portuguese exploited this opportunity, invaded, and captured Malacca in 1511.

Aceh: 1514-159904-IslamsJourney-Into-Southeast-Asia

The Beiturrahman Mosque in Aceh

After the occupation of Malacca, the next Muslim state to rise was Aceh in the western part of Sumatra, in 1514, with a union between the principalities of Lamri and Aceh Darl-ul-Kamal, under the authority of Ali Mughayat Shah.

In 1524 Ali captured Pasai from the Portuguese, and the state of Aceh then included most of the territories formerly under the state of Sumatra Pasai. When Malacca on the mainland was captured by the Portuguese in 1517, it became inaccessible to Muslim merchants and business shifted to Aceh, turning it into an extremely prosperous region. Aceh thus became a rival power to the Portuguese in Southeast Asia.

Ali is noted as one of the greatest rulers of the 16th century. Not only was his rule mild and just, but he maintained a strong army and navy. He encouraged the teaching of Islam, and it was under his rule that the religion spread from the coastal areas into the mainland. His rule lasted for 34 years and he died in 1548.

Ali was succeeded by his son Alauddin Shah, under whose rule Aceh expanded to include Aru and Johore on the mainland. Alauddin established good relations with the Ottoman Turks and received their help to obtain large guns. Heavily armed, he took to recapturing Malacca from the Portuguese but failed. He ruled for 23 years and died in 1571.

When Ali died, he was succeeded by his son Ali Hayat Shah, whose rule lacked vision. Ali Hayat died in 1579 and was succeeded by three equally poor rulers, one after another, until 1588. Order was returned to the area with the rule of Alauddin Rayat Shah, who reorganized the administration and ruled with justice.

Demak: 15th-16th Century05-IslamsJourney-Into-Southeast-Asia

Sunan Kalijogo, one of the nine Sufi teachers who are considered to have been pivotal in the spread of Islam in Java. Kalijon worked in Demak in the 16th century.

Java is the central island of Indonesia. Islam first spread to Sumatra in the 13th century, and later in the 14th century it spread from Sumatra to Java. The Gujurat style tomb of Malik Ibraham, a da`i who died in 1419, can be found there.

Another tomb that can be found there is that of Princess Champa, who died in 1448. She was the wife of the ruler of Majaphit, a Hindu state that was the dominant power of Java. As a Muslim woman she was unable to marry a non-Muslim man, so it seems that the ruler of Mujaphait accepted Islam, although his successors were Hindus.

Chinese accounts show that during the early years of the 15th century, the population of Java comprised Muslims, Chinese, and Hindus. The Muslims lived in the coastal towns. Most of the Chinese were Muslims, but the majority of people were still Hindus.

The first Muslim state in Java was the state of Demak, established around 1500 by a warrior called Radhan Paria. Radhan conquered Cheribon and some neighboring islands, and then went on to south Sumatra, capturing Palembang and Jabi.

In 1511 Radhan headed a campaign against the Portuguese in Malacca but failed. Instead he directed his efforts to the Indian state of Mujaphait and in 1527 overthrew its last ruler. Radhan died shortly thereafter, having turned Demak into the most dominant power in Java.

Radhan was succeeded by Trengganu, under whose authority the state of Demak gained further importance. He overpowered the states of Mataram and Sanda Kalappa, and under his authority Islam spread to the mainland of Java. While Radhan had previously conquered Mujaphait, he did not completely remove Hindu rule; thus a new, smaller state arose, and at the battle of Panarukan, Trengganu died.

After his death a state of confusion spread in Demak, causing the state to divide into two principalities, one with the capital Demak, the other with the capital Padong. As a result the state lost its importance. In 1578 the ruler of Padong conquered Demak. Yet despite the union, Demak was unable to reclaim its previous glory. In 1586, the Sultan of Demak was overthrown by his commander in chief, who founded a new Muslim state, Mataram.

Southeast Asian Islands: 15th-17th Centuries06-IslamsJourney-Into-Southeast-Asia

Brunei City

The Moluccas: In the Moluccas, now referred to as the Spice Islands, Islam spread during the late 15th century. The first Muslim ruler was Zain-ul-Abdin, who ruled from 1486 to 1500. The Portuguese settled on the island in the 16th century and tried to convert people to Christianity. The people, however, chose Islam. Zain-ul-Abdin is said to have built a seven-story mosque in Ambon.

Celebes: Islam spread to Celebes in the early 17th century. The Prince of Tallo accepted Islam in 1605, after which he expanded his territory to the states of Bone, Coppeng, and Wajo, where the people accepted Islam. It was the Muslims of Celebes who played an important role in the battle against the Dutch in the Moluccas.

When the Portuguese conquered Ambon, the Muslims fled to Makasar. The Muslims of Celebes fought against the Dutch East India Company for many years, resulting in the treaty of Bongeaid in 1667 through which the Dutch gained authority and Makasar lost its importance.

East Borneo: Islam spread from Celebes through the preaching of two Muslim da`is-Datori Bandang and Tuan Tunggang Parangan-who arrived at Kutei and converted the king, the princes, and the people to Islam. The king married a Muslim princess from Java and established a series of mosques and schools to teach Islam.

In the early 16th century, Bandjarmasin was the main kingdom of South Borneo. A dispute arose between two princes, Samudra and Tumengung, both of whom aspired to the throne. During the conflict Samudra sought the assistance of the Muslim state of Demak in Java. Demak promised assistance on the condition that Samudra would accept Islam. Samudra agreed. Demak assisted him to take rule, and he accepted Islam, after which his people also converted.

Brunei: Islam spread through northwest Borneo in the 15th century. The first Muslim ruler of Brunei was Awang Alakber Tabar, who took the name Muhammad when he accepted Islam. He married a Muslim princess from Johor. Throughout the 15th century, Brunei was overshadowed by the powerful state of Malacca. When the Portuguese conquered Malacca in 1511, many Malaccan Muslims migrated to Brunei, raising Brunei's importance.

When Magellan sailed to Brunei in 1521, his Italian captain, Pigafella, wrote an account of the voyage. According to this report, the Sultan of Brunei was a man named Bulkiah who lived in a fortified residence surrounded by a brick wall on which fifty canons were mounted. Through its effective administration, the rule of Brunei was extended to the greater part of Borneo and even to the Sulu islands.

During the 16th century, the Spanish spread their influence to the Philippines and then pushed southwards, which caused Brunei to lose control over its lands. When the Dutch occupied south Borneo, Brunei was confined by the Spanish and the Dutch and became the small area to the northwest of Borneo. The Dutch trade monopoly strangled trade with Brunei, and by the 17th century Brunei was known for its piracy.

Sulu Islands: Islam spread to these islands through two da`is: Sharif Karim Al-Makhdum and Abu Bakr. The prince of Bawansa, Rafa Bainda, was the first ruler of the islands to accept Islam. Abu Bakr married one of his daughters and succeeded his father-in-law to the throne of Bawsana.

The Philippines: Islam came to these islands by way of Sharif Kabungsuwam. He came from Johor and settled in Mindanao, where many people accepted Islam. When the Spanish came to the Philippines, they resisted the spread of Islam to Manila. War broke out between the Muslims (Moros) and the Spanish, which lasted over a hundred years; the Muslims were unable to gain political authority but were nonetheless strong enough not to be expelled from the islands.

References

Ul-Hassan, Masud. History of Islam, Vol. II. Islamic Publications, 1998.
Hourani, George. Arab Seafaring. Princeton University Press, 1979.
Maspero, Rene Gaston Georges. The Champa Kingdom: The History of an Extinct Vietnamese Culture, 1928. Cited by Pierre Yves Manguin, “The Introduction of Islam into Champa,” JMBRAS, Vol. LVIII, Part 1, 1985.
The Spread of Islam in Southeast Asia. Map. The Applied History Research Group, University of Calgary.

Islamic Architecture in Jerusalem

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By Arwa Aburawa
Freelance Journalist – UK

Haram al-Sharif: first qibla, second mosque and third holiest site in IslamThe Dome of the Rock is often held up as the first work of Islamic architecture. © Arwa Aburawa

The Dome of the Rock is often held up as the first work of Islamic architecture. © Arwa Aburawa

Nestled in the old city walls of Jerusalem, the Haram al-Sharif, or al-Aqsa Sanctuary, is the single most sacred site in the Holy Land. As the first qibla in Islam and third holiest site after Mecca and Medinah, this vast promenade also marks the blessed site of Prophet Muhammad's [pbuh] ascension to heaven. Indeed, Allah has blessed and honored this site for mankind to reap spiritual and material benefits even before the Prophet’s [pbuh] ascension.

As Surah al-Isra reveals: (Holy is He Who carried His servant by night from the Holy Mosque (in Makkah) to the Farther Mosque (in Jerusalem) whose surroundings We have blessed that We might show him some of Our Signs. Indeed He alone is All-Hearing, All-Seeing. ) [Al-Isra 17:1]

The Surah here refers to the al-Aqsa Sanctuary as the farthest mosque (or Masjid al-Aqsa in Arabic) and indeed the entire sanctuary is considered to be the second mosque built on earth- forty years after the Ka'bah was built. To commemorate the sacredness of this sanctuary as well as the historical events which had occurred within, Muslims across time have built numerous mosques and monuments within its boundaries. The most famous of these include the glimmering gold Dome of the Rock and the black-domed Masjid al-Aqsa.

Dome of the Rock- Icon of Islam

The Dome of the Rock or 'Qubbet as-Sakhra' is often held up as the first work of Islamic architecture and also the finest and most iconic symbol of Islam. As the name suggests, this mosque enclaves a sacred rock which many believe the Prophet Muhammad [pbuh] used to ascend to heaven during al-Isra and al-Miraj. Under the first ruling Muslim dynasty the Ummayads, 'Abd al-Malik made a concerted effort to beautify Jerusalem and endow it with the gleaming Dome of the Rock as well as the Masjid al-Aqsa.

The eight-sided building has undergone very little alteration since it was completed in the late sixth century. Some scholars have even stated that judging from the design of the building, a dome over the rock and double octagonal walls, it was not meant to serve as a mosque at all but solely meant to commemorate the sacred rock. Centrally focused on the rock, the building appears to have been built as a place of pilgrimage which could be circumambulated like the Ka'bah.

Despite their humble simplicity, these mosques wholeheartedly fulfilled their essential purpose as a communal space for the faithful to gather and to pray.

Architectural Masterpiece  

Built in typical Byzantine style, the mosque seamlessly combines marble columns, striking blue mosaics, stained glass windows with a glittering golden dome. Qubbet as-Sakhra is accessible through flights of stairs each crowned by an arcade which leads to the raised platform on which the mosque sits. The large central dome (around 25 meters high and 20 meters in diameter) is placed on a cylindrical wall or 'drum' which is decorated with sixteen windows and is supported by twelve stone columns arranged in a circle within the mosque. The wooden dome which is covered with gold-plated lead is located directly above the sacred rock.

Each of the eight exterior walls of the octagon is divided into seven panels. The lower section is gray veined marble and the upper is decorated with magnificent porcelain tiles from Turkey. Intricately designed windows adorning the top of every panel let in light which softly illuminates the inside of the mosque. Mosaics of deep blue and green glass which once enveloped the upper panel walls were almost completely replaced in the Ottoman period by Turkish tiles, however some originals remain inside. At the very top of these exterior walls, a narrow band of Arabic inscription written in white letters against a blue background weaves 250m of Qu'ran around the building. These inscriptions which highlight the tenants of Islam and the prophet Muhammad as the final messenger, reflect the important role of the Dome of the Rock in a Jerusalem filled with monuments to Judaism and Christianity.

The mosque has four entrance from the north, south, east and west which take you through to the most lavish and spectacular interior designs of the monument. The mosaics inside the Qubbet as-Sakhra apply elaborate geometric patterns against a gold foil and in mother-of-pearl background intertwined with vegetal (stylized fruits, flowers and trees). The supporting bars above the central columns have even retained their bronze facing from the Mamluk and Ottoman period and are classically decorated with palmettes, acanthus leaves and vine tendrils. Internally, the dome of Qubbet as-Sakhra is also magnificently decorated with concentric circles of painted and gilded arabesques which date back to the restoration of Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II in 1818.

Masjid Al-Aqsa- Spiritual Center of Jerusalem

The second building constructed on the Haram al-Sharif is the black-domed Masjid al-Aqsa. Built 709 – 715 AD by Caliph Abd' al-Malik, this large mosque accommodates around 5,000 people and is dedicated to Bilal the first muezzin of Islam.

Masjid al-Aqsa has also been significantly re-built and modified several times due to major earthquakes and religious conflicts in the region. For example, under the Crusaders the mosque was converted into a church known as 'Solomon's Temple' up until 1187 AD when Saladin reclaimed Jerusalem and the Haram as a Muslim sanctuary. It also believed that the mosque was preceded by an earlier construction associated with Caliph Umar Ibn al-Khattab who cleared the Haram al-Sharif of debris and erected a simple mosque named Masjid al-'Umari.

In the light of this history, the present mosque is an elegant building- spacious, calm and perfectly suited to prayers and quiet contemplation. It has nine entrances; seven through the northern wall, one on the east and another on the west sides. Topped with graceful arches, the northern entrances lead into the seven aisles of the mosque which are separated by massive columns. Of the 45 columns, 12 are made of stone and 33 are made from white marble- some of these marble columns were even donated by Benito Mussolini! The main arched doorway leads into the central aisle which has a beautifully painted and carved elevated roof and an elegant mihrab. The masjid's walls are also decorated with 121 stained-glass windows styled in geometric patterns and Qu'ranic inscriptions which illuminate the interior. .

The graceful silver-black dome which we see today is the outcome of a series of reconstructions, some of which occurred as recently as 1969. The dome, which had been previously reinforced using concrete and anodized aluminum, was reconstructed using lead enamelwork to match the original design of the architects.

Internally, the dome is decorated with intricate mosaics and marble designs from the fourteenth century. Mosaics above the central aisle arch and around the drum of the dome are even older and date back to 1035 AD. Saladin also gave the mosque a magnificent carved wooden minbar to commemorate the freedom of Jerusalem from the Crusaders, which was sadly burnt in an arson attack in 1969. It's important to note that when the Qu'ran refers to Masjid al-Aqsa, it is not the black-domed mosque later named in its honor which is implied but the entire al-Aqsa sanctuary.

Blessed Land and Not Blessed Buildings

Finally, while we must celebrate the magnificent mosques and monuments built by Muslims to commemorate this holy sanctuary, we must remember that it is the land of the al-Aqsa Sanctuary that is blessed and not its buildings. Indeed at the time of the Prophet Muhammad mosques were built only with functionality in mind. Designs were simple and mosques constructed using sun-dried mud bricks. Despite their humble simplicity, these mosques wholeheartedly fulfilled their essential purpose as a communal space for the faithful to gather and to pray.

Arwa Aburawa is a freelance journalist based in the UK, who specialises in  local politics, Palestine, climate change, women's rights, and arts & culture.

Sourse ; http://www.onislam.net

KATHI S.M. ABOOBUCKER J.P. – Muslim Leader of Jaffna – By Ali Azeez

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The Muslims had lived for many centuries in Jaffna and they were an integral part of Jaffna Society. They were traders and later dominated the hardware, lorry transport, jewellery, tailoring and meat trades. They shunned education in Christian schools for fear of being converted to Christianity. During their period the British were more tolerant and with the opening of Hindu schools the Muslims showed interest in education by attending schools, and like the Jaffna Tamils had built up a proud educational tradition. There were many academics, poets, scholars in Tamil and Arabic, Government servants, social workers and politicians. The Muslims lived amicably with the Tamils until October 1990, when the Muslims were evicted from Jaffna within two hours and the cordial relations were completely shattered. Today they are scattered all over and are still awaiting resettlement after the ethnic war ended in May 2009. It is perhaps just as well that some outstanding Muslim leaders of Jaffna never lived to see the senseless and cruel dismembering of the Jaffna Muslim community.

An affluent and educated Muslim of Vannarpannai in Jaffna, Sultan Mohideen (son of Uvais Naina Lebbe), was an export merchant of mainly bark and deer-horn. He was blessed with four sons S.M. Meera Mohideen, S.M. Asana Lebbe, S.M. Aboobucker and S.M. Yoosuf  in that order. 

Sultan Mohideen knew no English, but he had a habit of reading the large sized and Bombay printed Tafsir (translation in Arabic-Tamil) of the Holy Quran for two to three hours every morning after Subh (early morning) prayers. His extensive business interests brought him in touch with Englishmen or the English educated mercantile classes. Hence, he had no antipathy to English education and sent his sons to the Methodist Mission school Kilner College in Chetty Street, Vannarpannai. This was the same school, earlier called St. Peter’s School, where Arumaga Navalar had studied under Rev. Dr. Peter Percival. It was an off-shoot of Jaffna Central College. This was significant in view of the fact that at that time, when the Muslims were entirely averse to English education so closely identified with Christianity and associated with the fear of proselytization. 

Meera Mohideen was successful in hardware business and was a leading personality. In 1905 he was an active participant and represented Jaffna in the agitation by the Muslims of Ceylon, consequent to M.C. Abdul Cader refusing to remove the fez cap in the Supreme Court and walking out. (Incidentally, Abdul Cader was born into an affluent family in Jaffna and had the double distinction of being the first Muslim Graduate and Advocate in Ceylon. Later he settled down in Kattankudy and practiced in the Batticaloa Courts). Meera Mohideen died in July 1922.

Asana Lebbe was so brilliant that he carried away many prizes including the Bible Prize. He caught up with his elder brother Meera Mohideen and both studied in the same class. Asana Lebbe started as a Government clerical officer in 1890, perhaps he was the first Muslim to pass the competitive Government Clerical Service Examination. He became a scholar in Tamil and Arabic, a renowned poet and an expert in Arabic-Tamil. He was well known as Asana Lebbe Alim Pulavar. He expired in December 1918.

Yoosuf was a successful merchant dealing in General Hardware and Brassware, and died in December 1987 during the IPKF presence in Jaffna.

Kathi S.M. Aboobucker J.P.

Sultan Mohideen Aboobucker was born in September 1890 and died on Monday 12th June, 1950 at the age of 60 years. On 3rd July, 1910 he married Mohamed Meera Mohideen Nachchia, who was the elder daughter of a businessman and shop owner Mohamed Sultan Abdul Cader and Sultan Abdul Cader Nachchia. Their elder son Mohamed Abdul Azeez was born on 4th October, 1911. On 9th December, 1918 their second son Mohamed Thaha was born. On 13th December. 1918 Aboobucker’s wife died and on 11th December, 1919 Mohamed Thaha expired.

Aboobucker re-married on 27th March, 1920 and his second wife was Ayesha Umma, who was the daughter of Mohamed Abdul Cader. Their eldest daughter Shareefa was born on 21st January, 1924, and their other children were Hassan, Raheema, Salam, Ashraf, Thaha and Fawzia in that order. Aboobucker’s family lived in Mohideen Mosque Lane, off Moor Street in Vannarpannai, Jaffna. Ayesha Umma expired in January 1962.

At a young age Aboobucker was well versed in Tamil, English and the Quran, and was keen on education, local politics and social activities.  He  joined the staff of Chetty Street High School in July 1912, but left in January 1913 and enrolled as a Proctor student at the Law College in Colombo. In August 1918 he qualified as the first Muslim Proctor in Jaffna, and was sworn in as a Proctor of the Supreme Court on 19th May, 1919. He practised in Colombo from 1919 to 1923 and was involved in the Wakf Committee and youth organisations. He returned to Jaffna, provoked by his eldest brother’s demise, and enjoyed a lucrative practice as a Proctor and Notary Public. His ability and integrity was admired and well respected by the Muslims and Tamils of the North.

In 1936 Aboobucker was elected as a Member of the Jaffna Urban Council and was its Vice Chairman in 1940. He rendered a great service as a Member of the Ratepayers’, Hospital, Prisons and Provincial Road Committees formed for improvements of these services. In 1948 when the Jaffna Municipal Council was formed he was a Member for New Mosque Ward 12 until his demise. In these positions he was popular and had the co-operation of all Muslim and Tamil Members.

When Kathi Courts were introduced in 1936, Aboobucker was appointed as the Kathi for Jaffna, Point Pedro and Kayts. He performed well in this position and with his extraordinary ability in reconciling the parties there were very few divorce cases. 

Due to Aboobucker’s religious knowledge he was Khalifa, Trustee of the Idroos Makam Mosque and Chief Trustee of the Grand Jummah Mosque. He was interested in education and formed the Manba-Ul-Uloom Madrasa, a Muslim Tamil Mixed School in Mohideen Mosque Lane with classes in Arabic and other lessons in Tamil up to Grade Five, of which he functioned as the Manager. It is heartbreaking to see the destruction of this school after 1990. Aboobucker was a Member of the Northern Education Committee.

When a branch of the All Ceylon Muslim League was formed in Jaffna in 1941, Aboobucker was its President. He participated in educational conferences organised by the League in Matale and Batticaloa and his addresses were praised by all. From 1944 to 1947 he was elected as the first outstation President of the All Ceylon Muslim League. He gave evidence at the Soulbury Commission as the Jaffna representative.

Aboobucker’s services were well recognised and he was appointed as an All-Island Justice of the Peace and Unofficial Magistrate (J.P.U.M.) in 1943 by the Governor Sir Andrew Caldecott as part of the King’s birthday honours. He was the first Muslim to hold these positions in the Northern Province. This was a honourable and prestigious position, unlike today, and he was given a rousing welcome by the people of Jaffna at the Jaffna Railway Station

Rousing Welcome toReception to Kathi

Aboobucker had a great influence on his children. His eldest son A.M.A. Azeez was the first Muslim Civil Servant and was an eminent educationist, erudite learned scholar and orator in English and Tamil. Aboobucker was proud of his son’s educational achievements, and insisted that Azeez sits for the C.C.S. examination before proceeding to Cambridge University on being awarded the Government Arts Scholarship. Azeez’s interest in Arabic-Tamil and Muslim Tamil Literature was influenced by his ‘Sinnaperiyappa’ (younger paternal uncle) Asana Lebbe Alim Pulavar. Aboobucker gave all encouragement to his son, and just two months before his demise on 14th April, 1950, he had written to Azeez about Asana Lebbe’s compositions. Azeez has done extensive research on his uncle’s scholarly contributions. He was admired and well respected by the Tamil community and the University of Jaffna conferred a posthumous Doctorate of Letters honoris causa at their first convocation in 1980. Azeez died in November 1973.

Aboobucker’s eldest daughter Shareefa was married to Kathi M.M. Sultan, Proctor and first Muslim Mayor of Jaffna; Hassan qualified as a Proctor and died soon after in 1955; Salam, Ashraf and Thaha were Officers in Government Service; Raheema and Fawzia were married to two brothers who were businessmen; Raheema, Ashraf and Thaha passed away few years ago. Aboobucker had many grandchildren who have done well in life and some have emigrated.

On Monday 12th June, 1950, Aboobucker’s close friends Senator S.R. Kanaganayagam, Advocate and Proctor C.C. Somasegaram observed that he was unusually absent in Court. On hearing that he was not well they visited his home and Aboobucker breathed his last in their presence at about 4 p.m. On hearing the news A.M.A. Azeez, who was the Principal of Zahira College, rushed home from a meeting and then to the railway station and travelled to Jaffna in the night train. Many friends and relatives in Colombo travelled by a special Air Ceylon flight on the next day. The funeral was held in the evening in the presence of a very large crowd from many communities. After the burial the Government Agent, P.G. Hudson, addressed the gathering and praised Aboobucker’s virtues and immense services to the community.

Kathi S.M. Aboobucker J.P., M.M.C. was a well respected Muslim leader of Jaffna.

(Ali Azeez is the son of  Dr. A.M.A. Azeez and a grandson of Kathi S.M. Aboobucker)


When Islam came to Australia

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Few Australians are aware that the country's Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples had regular contact with foreign Muslims long before the arrival of Christian colonisers. And Islam continues to exercise an appeal for some Aboriginal peoples today, writes Janak Rogers.

The white lines are faint but unmistakable. Small sailing boats, picked out in white and yellow pigment on the red rocks of the Wellington Range in Arnhem Land, northern Australia, tell a different story from the one most Australians accept as the history of their nation.

They are traditional Indonesian boats known as praus and they brought Muslim fishermen from the flourishing trading city of Makassar in search of trepang, or sea cucumbers.

Exactly when the Makassans first arrived is uncertain.

Some historians say it was in the 1750s, but radiocarbon dating of beeswax figures superimposed on the cave paintings suggests that it was much earlier – one of the figures appears to have been made before 1664, perhaps as early as the 1500s.

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A cave painting of an Indonesian prau, found in Arnhem Land

They apparently made annual trips to gather the sea cucumbers, which fetched a high price because of their important role in Chinese medicine and cuisine.

The Makasssans represent Australia's first attempt at international relations, according to anthropologist John Bradley from Melbourne's Monash University – and it was a success. "They traded together. It was fair – there was no racial judgement, no race policy," he says.

Quite a contrast to the British. Britain designated the country terra nullius – land belonging to no-one – and therefore colonised the country without a treaty or any recognition of the rights of indigenous people to their land.

Some Makassan cucumber traders stayed, married Aboriginal women and left a lasting religious and cultural legacy in Australia. Alongside the cave paintings and other Aboriginal art, Islamic beliefs influenced Aboriginal mythology.

"If you go to north-east Arnhem Land there is [a trace of Islam] in song, it is there in painting, it is there in dance, it is there in funeral rituals," says Bradley. "It is patently obvious that there are borrowed items. With linguistic analysis as well, you're hearing hymns to Allah, or at least certain prayers to Allah."

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One example of this is a figure called Walitha'walitha, which is worshipped by a clan of the Yolngu people on Elcho Island, off the northern coast of Arnhem Land. The name derives from the Arabic phrase "Allah ta'ala", meaning "God, the exalted". Walitha'walitha is closely associated with funeral rituals, which can include other Islamic elements like facing west during prayers – roughly the direction of Mecca – and ritual prostration reminiscent of the Muslim sujood.

"I think it would be hugely oversimplifying to suggest that this figure is Allah as the 'one true God'," says Howard Morphy, an anthropologist at Australian National University. It's more the case of the Yolngu people adopting an Allah-like figure into their cosmology, he suggests.

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One elder has said that Aboriginal "morning star" poles were made to look like the masts of Indonesian praus, and that a pole would be presented to Makassan traders as a gift at the end of a farewell dance ritual each year

The Makassan sea cucumber trade with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples ended in 1906, killed off by heavy taxation and a government policy that restricted non-white commerce. More than a century later, the shared history between Aboriginal peoples and Makassans is still celebrated by Aboriginal communities in northern Australia as period of mutual trust and respect – in spite of some historical evidence that this wasn't always the case.

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A fisherman shows off two varieties of sea cucumber on the island of of Barang Lompo off the coast of Makassar in Sulawesi, Indonesia

"I'm a historian and I know that the Makassans, when they came to Arnhem Land, they had cannons, they were armed, there were violent incidents," says Regina Ganter at Griffith University in Brisbane. But many in the Yolngu community are wedded to a view of the sea cucumber trade as an alternative to colonialism, she says, and even consider the Makassans long-lost relatives. When she mentioned the Makassans' cannons to one elder in the tribe, he dismissed it. "He really wanted to tell this story as a story of successful cultural contact, which is so different to people coming and taking your land and taking your women and establishing themselves as superior."

This wasn't the only contact between Muslims and Aboriginal peoples. In the late 19th and early 20th Centuries, the pearl-shelling industry brought so-called "Malays" from south-east Asia to work as indentured labourers in Broome on the north-west coast of Australia. Much like the Makassans, Malays intermarried with local Aboriginal people and brought with them Islamic religious and cultural practices. Today, plenty of families in Northern Australia have names that bear the mark of these interactions, like Doolah, Hassan and Khan.

The last Makassan fisherman

Using Daeng Rangka was the first Makassan captain to buy a licence from the British to catch sea cucumbers, and the last to visit Australia.

In 1895, after his boat was wrecked, he made a 400 mile (644 km) trip in a canoe.

As well as a large family in Makassar, Using had three children with an Aboriginal woman.

Using, sometimes called Husein, is still remembered in songs and dances in Arnhem Land.

In 1988, a descendent of his recreated the trip from Indonesia to Australia in a traditional prau as part of the latter country's bicentennial celebrations.

Meanwhile, the forbidding deserts of central Australia gave rise to a separate Muslim influx.

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An 1898 drawing of travellers in the Australian Bush being given directions by Aborigines

In a quiet suburb of Alice Springs, a town of 26,000 people in the heart of central Australia, there sits an unlikely building: a mosque. Its minaret rises against the backdrop of the craggy rock and red dirt of the MacDonnell Ranges.

It is called the "Afghan Mosque", and for a reason. Between 1860 and 1930 up to 4,000 cameleers came to Australia, bringing their camels with them. Many were indeed from Afghanistan, but they also came from India and present-day Pakistan.

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The Ghan railway line runs from Darwin to Adelaide

They played a key role in opening up the deserts, providing supplies to remote mission stations, and helping to lay crucial national infrastructure like the Overland Telegraph Line and the Ghan Railway line, which still runs today, crossing the Australian desert from north to south. "Ghan" derives from "Afghan", as the train's logo of a cameleer makes plain.

"My grandfather's father, he was a camel driver," says 62-year-old Raymond Satour. "They had their own camels, over 40 camels," he says. "On the camel train itself, that's when they met the Aboriginal people that were camping out in the bush, and they got connected then – that's how we are connected to Aboriginals."

Far from their homes on the sub-continent, Afghan cameleers built makeshift mosques throughout central Australia, and many intermarried with Aboriginal peoples.

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Raymond Satour

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Raymond Satour's great-grandparents


The work of the Afghan cameleers dried up in the 1930s, when motorised vehicles began to remove the need for the animals. Today, the Afghan Mosque in Alice is mostly filled with first-generation immigrants from India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. But worshippers from the mosque regularly visit the homes of some of the Afghan-Aboriginal descendants, including that of Raymond Satour. "The brothers come and hold prayer ceremonies and teachings," he says. "We're learning, and it's helping us keep alive our connection to Islam and the old Afghans."

These historical contacts have an echo in the present day, as a steadily growing number of Aboriginal people convert to Islam. According to Australia's 2011 census, 1,140 people identify as Aboriginal Muslims. That's still less than 1% of the country's Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population – and it should be said that Aboriginals are also becoming born-again Christians – but it's still almost double the number of Aboriginal Muslims recorded in the 2001 census.

Anthony Mundine, a former two-time WBA super middleweight champion and an IBO middleweight champion boxer, is perhaps the most high-profile Aboriginal Muslim convert. He takes inspiration from the American Black Power movement, especially from civil rights activist Malcolm X, a former leader of the Nation of Islam.

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The Muslim graveyard in Alice Springs

"Malcolm's journey was unbelievable," agrees Justin Agale, who is of mixed Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander descent and converted to Islam 15 years ago. "Here was a man who was interested in social justice and in furthering the cause of his people but he was also interested in his own spiritual journey to truth."

Agale is one of a number of Aboriginal people who, fairly or unfairly, have come to associate Christianity with the racism of colonial Australia.

"One of the things that the colonialists were very successful in Australia in doing was teaching the indigenous people that God hated us, and that we were unwanted children, that we were being punished for being savages," he says.

By contrast, he sees Islam as a "continuation" of his Aboriginal cultural beliefs. Agale's ancestors in the Torres Strait, the Meriam people, observed something they called Malo's Law, which he says was "in favour of oneness and harmony", and he sees parallels in Islam. "Islam – especially the Sufi tradition – has clear ideas of fitra and of tawhid, that each individual's nature is part of a greater whole, and that we should live in a balanced way within nature."

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Anthony Mundine pictured in his gym in 2000

This sense of the compatibility of Aboriginal and Islamic beliefs is not uncommon, says Peta Stephenson, a sociologist at Victoria University. Shared practices include male circumcision, arranged or promised marriages and polygamy, and similar cultural attitudes like respect for land and resources, and respecting one's elders.

"Many Aboriginal people I spoke with explained these cultural synergies often by quoting the well-known phrase from the Koran that 124,000 prophets had been sent to the Earth," says Stephenson. "They argued that some of these prophets must have visited Aboriginal communities and shared their knowledge."

For some Aboriginal converts, however, the appeal of Islam is not one of continuity, but a fresh start. Mohammed – not his real name – was once homeless and an alcoholic, but he found the Islamic doctrines of regular prayer, self-respect, avoidance of alcohol, drugs and gambling all helped him battle his addictions. He has now been sober for six years and holds down a steady, professional job.

"When I found Islam it was the first time in my life that I felt like a human," he says. "Prior to that I had divided up into 'half this, quarter that'. You're never a complete, whole thing."

Mohammed rejects the criticism that has been levelled at him by some Aboriginal people that he turned his back on his traditional way of life. He believes Aboriginal culture was destroyed by colonialism.

"Where is my culture?" he asks. "That was cut off from me two generations ago. One of the attractive things about Islam for me was that I found something that was unbroken.

"Do you go for something that is going to take you out of the gutter and become a better husband and father and neighbour? Or do you search for something that you probably never had any hope of ever finding?"

Source : http://www.bbc.com

 

The origins of some Sri Lankan Muslim Foods and Beverages-By Asiff Hussein

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Sri Lanka’s Muslims are heirs to a rich culinary tradition which has its ultimate origins in Arabia, India and the Malay world. Their cuisine is in a sense ‘international’. Here’s a brief survey of some of their more prominent foods and drinks and their origins.

Buriyani

Buriyani - A favourite rice dish which figures prominently in local Muslim feasts is the buriyani, a rich and delectable dish made with fragrant basmati rice cooked in ghee with meat (usually beef or chicken) and potatoes, spiced with various condiments, scented with rose water and coloured yellow. It may also be embellished with green peas, cashew nuts and raisins.Buriyani has its origins in Moghul India. The very term itself is of Indian origin and has derived from the Hindustani biryani. Abul Fazl in his 16th century treatise on Moghul India, Ain-I-Akbari gives biryan as a meat dish made from sheep with ghi and spices such as saffron, pepper and cuminseed. He also mentions a rice dish known as duzdbiryan made of rice, meat and ghi. The term biryan from which biryani evidently derives is a Persian loan in Hindustani meaning ‘fried, roasted, broiled, parched, grilled’.The earliest reference to its use in Sri Lanka is perhaps an advertisement placed by Kamal Pasha Hotel of Maradana in 1923 in Crescent magazine of Zahira College where we read of ‘buriyani rice’ and ‘fried fowls’ being offered by the hotel, suggesting that the dish would have been introduced from India for commercial purposes and that it was only later that it gained currency as a domestic dish. Elsie Cook (A Geography of Ceylon.1931) noticed the dish figuring among local Muslims a few years later. She says “Their mode of cooking rice, with sultanas and fat, making a dish called burriana, has become characteristic in Ceylon”.

Kunafa - Kunafa is a savoury cake comprising of several layers of shredded pancakes interspersed with minced beef filling. The dish is of Arab origin, though surprisingly it seems to have originally been a sweet rather than savoury dish. In the story of Ma’aruf the Cobbler occurring in the Thousand and One Nights we find kunafah figuring as a sweet dish made of vermicelli cake, fried with clarified butter and sweetened with treacle or bees’ honey. Edward Lane says in his Modern Egyptians (1836) has this to say: “A favourite sweet dish is koona’feh, which is made of wheat-flour, and resembles vermicelli, but is finer; it is boiled, and sweetened with sugar or honey”.

Samosa

Samosa - Samosa is a triangular pastry filled with minced beef. It is also known among the Muslims of North India by the same name. This item may however have an Arab or Persian origin. In some Arab countries sanbusak refers to a small meat pie of a half-moon or triangular shape. Arab cookery books of the 11th-13th centuries refer to it as sanbusak  or sanbusaj, terms that have their origins in the Persian sanbosag. Although probably Persian in origin, it seems to have been known among the Arabs for a considerable time. For instance, we have Ishaq Ibn Ibrahim Al-Mausili of the 9th century referring to sanbusaj while Giambonino da Cramona (13th century) in his collection of Arab recipes taken from an Arabic treatise on gastronomy by Ibn Butlan of Baghdad (11th century) describes sambusaj as a triangular pasta container filled with ground meat.

Watalappan

Vattalappam - Vaṭṭalappam is a favourite dessert comprising of a rich pudding made with eggs, coconut milk, jaggery and cardamoms, This brown pudding is prepared by adding a mixture of heated jaggery, coconut milk and ground cardamoms to a stock of beaten eggs after which the whole is poured into bowls and steamed till it assumes a firm consistency. The term is evidently a corruption of the Tamil vaṭṭil  ‘cup’ + appam ‘cake’, hence vaṭṭilappam ‘cup-cake’.  The dish is however unknown to the Tamils. Rather it is in all likelihood a borrowing from the Malay world, having derived from that sweet dish known as serikaya among the Malays of Indonesia and Malaysia. Serikaya is a steamed custard made of eggs, coconut milk, palm sugar and pandan or screwpine leaves, though it is also often consumed as a jam. The similarity between the two however suggests a common origin so that we may have to suppose vattalappam to have originated from this Malay dessert.

Firni - Firni is a semolina, vermicelli, milk or custard pudding embellished with cashewnuts and raisins. This pudding probably has its origins in the Hindustani firni, a sweet dish made of milk, sugar and ground rice. It is quite possible however that the dish has its ultimate origins in the farni of some Arabian Gulf countries and the islands off Africa. In the Gulf region, farni comprises of an eggless rice pudding prepared with milk, sugar, powdered rice, cardamom powder, saffron and rose water and garnished with nuts or dried fruit. It also seems to have been known in Zanzibar for Harold Igrams (Arabia and the Isles.1942) refers to a plate of farne which he describes as a kind of ground rice with special flavouring and sweet.

Jalabi - Jalabi is a golden-coloured, spiral, tubular sweetmeat made of a batter of wheat or rice flour, gram flour and curd fried in oil and soaked in a thick sugar syrup while still hot whereupon it absorbs the sugar which forms a sweet liquid inside while crystallizing on the surface. Although a well known Hindustani sweetmeat, jalabi probably has its origins in the zalābiya of the Arabs among whom it has been known for centuries. For instance in the Tale of Dalilah the Crafty and her daughter Zaynab occurring in the Thousand and One Nights we come across a reference to these honey-fritters (zalābiya bi asal) being consumed in Baghdad.

Maskat

Maskat - Maskat is an oily sweetmeat made of wheat flour,ghee, sugar and cashewnuts and coloured green, red or yellow. It is often cut into square or rectangular pieces and is usually characterized by a soft crust that forms on the sides of its outer surface. Maskat appears to be of Arab origin and may have taken its name from the capital of Oman, Muscat which has been renowned for this sweetmeat. Robert Binning (A Journal of Two years travel in Persia, Ceylon etc.1857) says that in Muscat is made a kind of sweetmeat composed of the starch of wheat, fine sugar, rasped almonds and clarified butter. He adds that this sweetmeat is made in large quantities and exported to different parts of India and Persia where it is greatly esteemed.Muscats in colourful variety

Faluda - Faluda is a refreshing drink made of milk and rose syrup and often embellished with black basil seeds. The beverage is very likely of Arabian, Persian or Indian origin, though it seems to have its origins in an ancient Persian sweetmeat. In Arabic falud or faludaj means ‘a sweetmeat of flour, water and honey’ and is said to have been introduced to the Arabs by a traveller named Abdullah Ibn Jud‘an who had been at the Sassanid court before the triumph of Islam in Persia. It probably derived from the Pahlavi or Middle Persian paludag which meant ‘starch jelly’, ‘flummery’. In Persian paluda eventually came to mean ‘a kind of sweet beverage made of water, flour and honey’ while its Arabic inspired usage faludaj which was itself of Persian origin seems to have been applied to a concoction of ground almonds, sugar and rose water. In India faluda came to refer to a popular drink made of rose flavoured milk and vermicelli strands. 

phalsa-ka-sherbet

Saruvat - Saruvat is a sherbet made with rose syrup though it may also refer to a fruit juice made of the juice of citrus fruits such as lime or orange embellished with pieces of pineapple and black basil seeds. This drink is of Arab origin, derived as it is from the Arabic sharbat meaning a drink or beverage. In the Thousand and One Nights we come across references to rose sherbet as in the tale of King Umar Al-Numan, sugared sherbet scented with rose-water as in the tale of Khalifah and sherbet flavoured with rose- water, scented with musk and cooled with snow as in the tale of Nur Al-Din Ali and his son. Edward Lane in his Modern Egyptians (1837) tells us that the Egyptians have various kinds of sherbets, the most common kind being called simply shurbat or shurbat sookhar which is merely sugar and water. Nevertheless, sherbets made of the essence of roses seem to have been much favoured. For instance, we have Charles Addison (Damascus and Palmyra. A Journey to the East.1838) referring to sherbet of roses, a pink sherbet kept in tins and sold in round cups with a lump of snow in it. This article is largely based on the book Sarandib. An Ethnological Study of the Muslims of Sri Lanka by Asiff Hussein. Sarandib, now in its third expanded. Written in a lucid style, it is the culmination of much research, inquiry and field studies on the society and culture of Sri Lanka’s Muslims. The work contains detailed information on aspects like ethnic origins, language, settlements, customs and traditions, dress and ornamentation, culinary fare, medical remedies, names and titles, occupations, social organization, ceremonial observances and religious and folk beliefs.

Mohammed Abdul Bakeer Markar : By : former Attorney General SHIBLY AZIZ PC

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As a fellow lawyer, it is indeed my privilege to say a few words about a senior and illustrious figure in the legal profession who in his time adorned the legal and political portals with equal felicity and acceptance. Deshamanya Mohammed Abdul Bakeer Markar, born in 1917, was a devoted and practicing Muslim, much loved by the Sinhalese and treated with respect and affection as one of their own. This was the measure of the distinct honour bestowed on this esteemed gentleman. This epitomized the popularity of this humble son of Sri Lanka who would have indeed been a role model for us to follow in these difficult times. It is indeed a source of gratification to us that his son, Imtihiaz, who has also followed in his footsteps in the twin professions that the father chose, is showing the same qualities of fellow feeling and love for all Sri Lankans drawn from the different communities.

Bakeer Markar Snr. was the first Member of Parliament to represent the Beruwela constituency in March 1960 and was Member of Parliament for Beruwela from April 1965 to March 1970. He was Deputy Speaker of Parliament from August 1977 to September 1978, from which he rose to be Speaker of the Parliament of Sri Lanka from September 1978 to August 1983, a singular honour for a Muslim. His political laurels did not rest there: Bakeer Markar went on to be a minister from 1983 to 1988 and throughout his life continued to remain a bridge of peace between the Sinhalese and Muslim communities.

Educated at Zahira College, Maradana, he began his legal career at the Sri Lanka Law College in 1940. Unfortunately, this was interrupted during World War II when he was compelled to take up duties in the Civil Defence Services. When he returned to law, he had an extremely lucrative practice and went on to become President of the Kalutara District Bar Association of Sri Lanka. He was the founder President of the All Ceylon Union Muslim League Youth Fronts and additionally, was also awarded the Vice Presidency of the All Ceylon Muslim League. Subsequently, he became Chairman of the Beruwela Maradana Mosque Jamaath and discharged each and every one of these duties with equal aplomb.

Bakeer Markar was internationally renowned and countries in the Middle East and Far East held him in high esteem as he proved to be a great Ambassador of goodwill for Sri Lanka. He went on to excel in international relations and established close connections with the Iraqi Government. Through this connection, he built an entire village in Eravur, in the eastern part of the island. He was the founder President of the Iraq-Sri Lanka Friendship Association and remained in that position until his demise. He was fortunate that he did not witness the dismemberment of Iraq which would have grieved him immensely.
He hailed from Maradana, Beruwala, and, as historically revealed, the early Arabs who arrived in Ceylon (Sailan) built the first ever Mosque in Ceylon, Masjid-Ul-Abrar. Markar took great pains to renovate Masjid-Ul-Abrar with the help of his village Jamaath. In doing so, he was careful in preserving the shape of the original architecture of the mosque.

Due to the perseverance and study he put into his practice of the law, he had clients both Sinhalese and Muslims flocking to him. Legends are many of the several instances where he appeared for Sinhalese clients in cases filed against persons of his own community, thereby following astutely the commandment in the Holy Quran that one must 'stand up for justice' even against one's own kith and kin. Like it is said, he never wavered from the courage of his own convictions.

Markar unerringly followed in the footsteps of his political guru, the late Al-Haj Dr. T. B. Jayah, and blossomed into one of Sri Lanka's most senior and well respected politicians. He displayed the wisdom which our leaders of yore possessed in good measure: to give wise and mature leadership to the community without fracturing the delicate relationships which had been built up for over 1,000 years among the Sinhala and the Muslims.
In our constitutional history, he has a very special place — the only Speaker of Parliament who has acted for the Head of Government and Head of State.

Honesty and sincerity were his strengths. His singular vision on both national and personal levels was to serve his country and he fulfilled this with true commitment. He will be remembered always as one of the great statesmen of our time.
Today, the Bakeer Markar Centre for National Unity, an organization that promotes the vision of the late Deshamanya M. A. Bakeer Markar continues to uphold and sustain that vision.
May Almighty Allah grant him Jennathul Firdouse – Aameen!

“ONE DISTINGUISHED FAMILY OF MOOR STREET JAFFNA” – By: Marina Ismail and Ali Azeez

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RELEASED AT THE Dr. A.M.A. AZEEZ COMMEMORATION MEETING IN 2014

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Japanese Muslim brings life to Arabic calligraphy

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Fuad Koichi Honda, a native of Japan, is known round the world as one of the world’s top contemporary Arabic calligraphers. His works show a level of artistic perfection that has taken him decades to achieve.
He has won many awards for his work, including the International Arabic Calligraphy Contest. His most famous works of calligraphic art use passages from the Koran as their basis.

The experience of living in Middle Eastern deserts also served as an influence to Honda, which has been recognized by major traditional Arabic calligraphers. They praise the way in which he combines the Japanese aesthetic of empty space with strictly traditional letter forms.

Today Honda serves as President of the Japan Arabic Calligraphy Association and teaches at Tokyo’s Arabic Center.

Honda has crossed cultural boundaries with his calligraphy, bringing two different cultures – Japanese and Islamic – together in a way which can be appreciated by both – as well as by the rest of the world.

Source : http://muslimvillage.com

Weights and measures in ancient and medieval Sri Lanka

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Information on the weights and measures used in ancient and medieval Sri Lanka are found in Abhidhanappadipika, Navanamavaliya and the stone inscriptions. Nagalavava village in Sigiriya-Dambulla region, surveyed in the 1990s, was using measures that could be traced back to earlier times. Its system of measuring grain and medicine was common to other purana settlements and also certain urban areas.

CaptureIn medieval times the day was reckoned as 60 payas, height was in terms of a tree and depth was in bamba. Bamba is used today as well. At Nagalavava the length between a man’s outspread arms indicated a bamba. A stick or rope of this length was used for measuring.

Distances were given in gavu and yojanas. Unit of measurement for road ways was also gavva and yoduna. A gavva was a quarter of a yoduna. Ariyapala looks at the scales and the distances given in Pujavali for the distance from Kalutota to Bentota. He found that the yojana distances tallied and concluded that the gavu and yojana were practical and were used. In Nagalawewa, distance is also measured in terms of hoo kiyana dura.

Land was measured as kiriya, amuna and pala in Anuradhapura period. According to Vessagiriya inscription kiriya was the largest land measure of the time. Kiriya was the square measure of land on which a kiriya of seed can be sown. A kiriya was equal to four amunas. Amuna was subdivided into four pala. Pala was the smallest land measure. Mihintale plinth course inscription refers to a pala of rice. In medieval times, land was measured by specific measures such as riyana and also according to sowing extent.

Sowing extent

At Nagalavava, the sowing extent was determined by the area over which a laha or pala of grain could be sown. The extent was calculated as the area over which a particular amount of bittara vee (seed paddy) could be sown. Kiriya equalled 160 laha or 8 acres. Amuna was equal to 40 laha or 2 to 2 ½ acres. Pala equalled the extent over which 10 laha of paddy could be sown, approximately half and acre. However, it was noted that this system of apportioning land was peculiar to Nagalavava.

Capture 1A wide range of capacity measures have been noted. Rice was measured in kareesa units. Kareesa was indicated by symbols in Nawa handa inscription and given in numerals in Situlpavva inscription. Ranwella refers to two other dry measures, lahassa and admana.

Polonnaruwa council chamber inscription refers to lahassa. He says there were different lahassa measures for dry and liquid goods.

In the medieval period the measures for grain, were naliya and kuriniya. Visuddhi magga sanniya refers to a mita of grain and the nali. In Nagalavava, the measures used are pata, hunduva, naliya, seruva, laha, pala, amuna and kiriya. Of these the pata, hunduva, naliya and seruva are common domestic measurements, while, laha, pala amuna and kiriya are used for wholesale transactions and measuring grain on the threshing floor. Pata is amount of grain that can be held in the open palm.

Hunduva equalled three pata. Naliya equalled 2 hundus. A hunduva weighed 650 mg.

Two naliya made one seruva and six seru made one laha. Five and a half laha or three seru made a busal. A smaller hunduva, with hundu bage and hundu kala was also used. The traditional hunduva was made of cane or wood.

The widely used measure of liquid capacity was the naliya. Ariyapala says Saddharmalankaraya shows that naliya was used to measure ghee and honey. Naliya and half nali (manava) were used in the modern period for ayurvedic mixtures.

Liquid capacity

Nagalavava villagers used a pair of small scales, like an apothecary’s scale and a bivalve mollusc shell that could hold approx two teaspoonfuls of liquid. Two shells called ravana katta were kept for this purpose. The dosage was two shellfuls for an adult and one drop for an infant.

This was followed until recently when the spoon was introduced. Ariyapala noted that in the medieval period, seeds were used as measures of weight.

Three tala seeds equal three amu seeds and three amu seeds equal one vee ata. Eight vee ata equal one madati. The standard weight of a majadi was also used in time of Badulla pillar inscriptions of 10 century. Gunawardane pointed out that in the Kandyan period goldsmiths, silver smiths and those practising indigenous medicine, used twenty four maditi seeds – l weighing from 3 to 3.9 grains.

Ariyapala noted that weights of kalanda and manjadi were used up to the modern period when weighing gold and medicinal ingredients. Uragoda says that the madati and olinda varied very little in weight, and were equipped with a hard shiny outer covering which would tend to prevent desiccation of their contents. They presumably had good keeping qualities and were unlikely to alter their weight to any significant extent with time. Nagalavava used the traditional system of measuring medicine. One kalanda equalled one copper cent (sathaya), half kalanda equalled half cent and one manchadiya equalled quarter cent.

Nagalavava used kirival wood, cane, jak wood, margosa wood, cow dung and resin from the seeds of the timbiri tree for making measuring tools. The traditional hunduva was cylindrical, 6-7 cm high and approximately twenty centimetres in circumference. It had a base of jak, mango or kolon wood. Perforations were made along the edge of the base. Pieces of cane or kirival were fixed as uprights; cane strips were passed between the uprights and interwoven to the width of about four fingers. A pata of rice was poured in and the level checked.

The rim was given an extra overcastting of cane and paste of resin from crushed timbiri seeds and paddy bran (hall kudu) was applied. Cow dung was used to repair any damage. Cow dung acts as an insecticide and its disinfectant properties were known from ancient times. In the laha vessel the mouth was wider than the base.

Accha House & Umma House A mixed childhood in Sri Lanka By :- Asiff Hussein

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book

In this delightful book, well known writer Asiff Hussein shares with his readers some happy pen pictures of his mixed breed childhood lived in the Sri Lanka of the 1970s and 1980s.

The Author who grew up in Colpetty had a most fascinating childhood with his siblings, enjoying the best of both worlds of their mixed Muslim Sinhalese parentage. Their adventurous parents among other things ran an auctioning business in Colombo, started a mobile food restaurant on the Galle Face Green, founded a village by the beach on the South Coast and owned a horse and a pack of ponies that raced in the cold climes of Nuwara Eliya.

The Author talks of those balmy days of peace when cultures beautifully co-existed. He speaks of fairs and festivals, fasts and feasts, beliefs and customs, phobias and manias, games and pastimes and many other things that went to make his childhood a most memorable one. 

What is particularly interesting about the work is the insight it gives into local Muslim and Sinhalese customs as it was traditionally practiced in those days as well as the material culture of those times – places, foods, books, music, toys and fads. In other words a veritable time capsule of those times. The author has also taken great pains to bring into the narrative the lives and times of an earlier generation and their shared experiences, all in a very captivating, reader-friendly style that can appeal to any age.

Published by Neptune Publications (Pvt) Ltd 296 pages & 32 colour plates Price: Rs.1250

AVAILABLE AT CIS BOOKSHOP, ROHINI ROAD, COLOMBO 06


Fezzes and Surattu Toppis

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Headdresses of the Muslims of Old

By Asiff Hussein

Surattu Toppi

The ordinary headgear of the Muslims of Sri Lanka in the olden days was a white skullcap. However the head-dress usually worn by the more affluent Muslims was an altogether different type of head-gear. It was a costly multi-coloured, truncated conical brimless hat or cap made of straw or silk and often adorned with tinsel.

The earliest reference to such a cap is perhaps that of John Capper (Old Ceylon. 1877) who, writing of a Moor shopkeeper of Colombo in 1848, says that his remarkably well shaped head was surmounted by a “little colored cap, like an infantine bee-hive” while Mrs. Arthur Thompson (A Peep into Ceylon. C.1870s or 1880s) refers to some Moormen seen at Hindugalle as “two very fine dignified looking men, with high silk hats of all colours”.  Osborn B.Allen (A Parson’s Holiday. 1885) observes that “The Moormen shave their heads and wear a high cap made of fine grass plaited in colours”. William Wood (Sketches in Ceylon. 1890) refers to the Moormen wearing “strange beehive-shaped hats of plaited straw”. C.F.Gordon Cumming (Two Happy Years in Ceylon. 1892) says that the shaven heads of the Moormen are crowned with “high straw hats made without a brim, and these are often covered with a yellow turban”. Henry Cave (Picturesque Ceylon. 1893) refers to Moormen with shaven heads “crowned with curiously plaited brimless hats of coloured silk”.

The Monthly Literary Register of March 1894 refers to the Moormen of Colombo being distinguishable by their “tall hats glittering with tinsel”. J.C.Willis (Ceylon.1907) says that the Moormen shave their heads completely and wear some kind of distinctive hat, usually the “beehive” which is made of silk of different colours and woven into various patterns. These hats, he says, come from Calicut in South India where they are made. He also notes that owing to their cost (Rs.14 to Rs.25 at that time) they are specially affected by the well-to-do men. Similarly, Alfred Clark (Ceylon. 1910) tells us that the distinguishing features of the Moormen are their shaven heads and curious hats, one type of which was made of coloured plait, brimless, and shaped like a huge thimble. William T.Hornaday (Two Years in the Jungle. 1922) describes the headdress of the Moors as “a tall, rimless straw hat, resembling an inverted flower-pot suffering from an overdose of decorative art”.

An illustration accompanying the description of a Moor shopkeeper in Capper’s Old Ceylon (1877) clearly shows him wearing this kind of cap which is described in the text as being like “an infantine bee-hive”. A fair representation of such hats is also found in John Van Dort’s sketch of Arabi Pasha’s arrival where several Muslims of Colombo waiting to receive the Egyptian exile are depicted wearing these hats along with their long robes (Published in the Graphic of Feb.24.1883 and reproduced in 19th century Newspaper Engravings of Ceylon. R.K.De Silva.1998). So does a group photo of Ceylon Moors taken in 1901 on the occasion of the Birth Anniversary of Sultan Abdul Hamid of Turkey reproduced in the Souvenir of the Moors Islamic Cultural Home 1977- 1982 (1983) where we find as many as ten individuals wearing this kind of hat though many are also seen to be wearing the fez.

As for the name by which this hat was known, we have the evidence of both A.H. Macan Markar (Short Biographical Sketches of Macan Markar and Related Families. 1977) and Dr.Tayka Shuayb (Arabic, Arwi and Persian in Sarandib and Tamil Nadu. 1993) that it was known as the Sūrat Toppi. Markar refers to the multi-coloured cap that was the fashionable headgear among the Moors before the introduction of the fez as the ‘Surat Thopee’ while Shuayb also refers to these Surat Toppi which he says were made of straw “the outerpart of which is covered with velvet-type multi-coloured threads woven into various designs. Its inside was covered with leather and had a purse-like cavity to preserve important documents and even cash”. A consideration of the above accounts leads us to the conclusion that the hats worn by the Moors, especially of the higher classes, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries was a tall brimless hat shaped very much like a thimble, beehive or an inverted flower-pot. They were multi-coloured and made of straw and plaited silk and not uncommonly adorned with tinsel.  

The hat though also manufactured elsewhere probably took its name from Surat, a port-city in Western India that gave its name to the soft twilled silk fabric known as surah for which it was renowned.  There is no doubt that the Surat toppi was of Indian origin, and probably originated from Surat itself. This is borne out not only by the etymology of the term, but also by a reference to a similar headgear known as alfiyyah (An Arabic term meaning ‘One thousand’) by Richard Burton (The Lake Regions of Central Africa. 1860) who describes it as “the common Surat cap, worked with silk upon a cotton ground” which was known in Africa at the time and imported from India. He gives three types, the vis-gol or 20-stitch, the tris-gol or 30-stitch and chalis-gol or 40-stitch. These numeral terms, belonging as they do to the Gujarati language, would suggest an origin from Surat which was situated in Gujarat.

The Surat toppi was however not to last long and was gradually replaced by the fez beginning from about the last decade of the nineteenth century.

The Fez

The fez, a red cylindrical cap flat at the top often giving a truncated conical appearance when worn, and often with a black tassle at the top, was evidently an introduction from Ottoman Turkey and its Arab dependencies and caught on among the Moors during the latter part of the nineteenth century.  This headgear though popularized by the Turks is thought to have originated from the city of Fez in Morocco from which it takes its name. Nevertheless, the Moors have traditionally known it as the Turukki toppi or ‘Turkish hat’. It is generally believed that it was the famous Egyptian nationalist leader Arabi Pasha who was exiled to the island by the British in 1883 who introduced this form of headgear to the country.       Ponnambalam Arunachalam (The Census of Ceylon 1902) states that the presence of the Egyptian militant Arabi Pasha and his fellow Egyptian exiles in Ceylon has had the effect of stirring up the Moorish community and has led to “the adoption of the dress of European Turks”. In the photographs of the Egyptian exiles reproduced in Ceylon in 1903 by John Ferguson, all including Arabi, Yacoub, Toulba, Ali Fehmi, Mahmoud Fehmi, Mahmoud Sami and Abdul are shown wearing fez caps.

We may gather from this that it was largely, if not solely due to the influence of Arabi Pasha and his fellow exiles that the fez caught on among the Moors and eventually came to be regarded as their traditional head-dress. What must also be borne in mind is that the fez was the head-dress of the Turkish Sultan who was regarded as the Caliph or leader of the Islamic world, a fact which would have given it added importance in the eyes of local Muslims. 

Robert Walsh gives an interesting account of the origins of the headgear in his Historical Account of Constantinople (1838) which deals with the reign of Sultan Mahmud II (1808-39). Says Walsh: “A distinguishing characteristic  of the turban was a small red cap, called a fez, which covered the crown, and  round which the turban was wound. When this pondrous head-dress was laid aside by the Sultan, the fez was retained, as a remnant of orientalism, but as its circumference was less than that of a saucer, its border was enlarged till it reached the ears, and it became the adopted and distinguishing covering of the head under the new regime”. Walsh also gives the following account of the manufacture of the headgear as it prevailed in his day: “It was originally manufactured at Tunis, and cost the government such immense sums, that the Sultan resolved to establish a manufactory of it at home, and extensive edifices were erected for the purpose. A number of African workmen were invited, and they succeeded in everything except the vivid colour, the preparation of which was kept a profound secret at Tunis. At length the process was discovered by an intelligent and enterprising Armenian; and the establishment, now complete in all its parts, exceeds, perhaps, that of any in Europe. Nearly one thousand females, of all persuasions, Raya as well as Turk, assemble here, and receive the wool weighed out to them. This they knit into caps of the prescribed form, and then return them. They are next subject to a process of fulling, and teazel heads, to raise the knap, then to clipping with shears, and finally pressed under a screw, till at length the texture becomes so dense as to obliterate all trace of knitting, and appears like the finest broad cloth. When it has attained this state, it is dyed by the newly- discovered process, and assumes a hue of rich dark scarlet or crimson. The altered shape of the cap is now a cylinder with a flat top, from the centre of which a thrum of purple silk-thread depends”.

It would appear that the fez had already made its influence felt by the turn of the nineteenth century. In a group photo of Ceylon Moors taken in 1901 on the occasion of the Birth Anniversary of Sultan Abdul Hamid and reproduced in the MICHS (1983) we already come across a few individuals attired in the fez while in a photo of a gathering at Hameedia School Building in New Moor Street, Colombo, to celebrate the opening of the Hejaz Railway to Mecca from Medina by the Turkish Government (1st September 1908) also reproduced in the same work, we find a majority of persons, especially young persons wearing the fez. Here, the peculiar beehive cap could still be seen worn by a few older individuals. This is corroborated by Willis (1907) who notes that the younger generation of Moormen affect the fez and comments “It is to be regretted that this importation seems likely to supersede the silk toppi which is distinctive of the Ceylon Moormen”.  Indeed, the Moors of the eastern districts who do not seem to have ever known the Surat toppi, certainly knew the Turukki toppi which attests to its widespread popularity among the Moors of all parts of the country.

The fez cap though a Turkish headgear was at the time considered to be a symbol of Muslim identity as is suggested by the so-called ‘fez controversy’ of 1905-1906 when the noted Moor leader and advocate M.C.Abdul Cader was prohibited from entering court with the fez. Pursuant to a notice published in the local newspapers by the Fez Committee, a largely attended representative mass meeting of the Muslims of Ceylon was held on Sunday the 31st of December 1905 at 4.00 pm in the open air at the Maradana Mosque Grounds, Colombo, to protest against the action of the Supreme Court of the island which prohibited Mr.Abdul Cader from appearing in court with his usual “Mohammedan head-dress – the Fez”. 

The Times of Ceylon of the 1st of January 1906 had this to say of the meeting: “The clannish cohesion of Mohamedans on questions of their faith, or on questions affecting it, is remarkable and the esprit de corps of the community is an object of admiration and imitation to men of other persuasions. It was that esprit de corps which gathered together over 30,000 men on the grounds of the Maradana Mosque yesterday. From noon, a stream of men was noticeable converging from all parts of the city and massing in their thousands and tens of thousands about the Mosque. As the appointed hour fixed for the meeting drew near the Mosque became almost inaccessible for a distance of a quarter of a mile. Arrived at last on the grounds of the Mosque, the visitor was confronted by a gathering, which in variety of garb, in density, in numbers, in orderliness and in enthusiasm has seldom, if ever, been seen in one spot in Colombo, since the demonstration on the Galle Face on the death of Queen Victoria. The variety of garb was only equaled by the variety of race. The Moormen of Ceylon, of course preponderated. Quite 20,000 of the 30,000 people congregated were Ceylon Moors. The Coast Moors mustered in strength, which comprised the large majority of the remaining 10,000. But among the Ceylon Moors and the Coast Mohamedans there stood fair-skinned Turks, grave Persians, tall Afghans, stalwart men of Arab blood, men of African origin, Mohamedans from Asia Minor, Sikhs from Northern India and Malays from the Farther East. There were Mohamedans in frock-coat and the sober European garb – with fezes on. There were Tambies clad in the costume characteristic of their community. Their priests and foreign Mussulmans in long, graceful, flowing robes of bright crimson pink, dazzling green, dull brown, gorgeous magenta, men in turbans, in caps, in fezes, men with cloth head-gear, and men in hoods. The diversity of type, race, costume, language and nationality was, however, merged in the unity of faith and unanimity of purpose. It was a great gathering, a concourse of men impressive and even magnificent. That they will achieve the object for which they organized yesterday’s demonstration seems hardly to admit of doubt”.

Intensive agitation and massive demonstrations in Colombo and in other parts of the island finally resulted in a decision of the Supreme Court permitting the wearing of the fez in court. Today the Fez figures mainly in Moor weddings as part of the traditional attire of the bridegroom. It is still very much considered an indispensable appendage of the wedding attire of the Moor male.

 Moor gentleman with Fez Cap_compressed Surattu Toppi, Colombo Museum_compressed

This article is largely based on the book Sarandib. An Ethnological Study of the Muslims of Sri Lanka by Asiff Hussein, now in its third expanded edition. Written in a lucid style, it is the culmination of much research, inquiry and field studies on the society and culture of Sri Lanka’s Muslims. The work contains detailed information on aspects like ethnic origins, language, settlements, customs and traditions, dress and ornamentation, culinary fare, medical remedies, names and titles, occupations, social organization, ceremonial observances and religious and folk beliefs.

21213_compressedSarandib. An Ethnological Study of the Muslims of Sri Lanka by Asiff Hussein
Publisher: Neptune Publications; pp:784 + 54 B&W & Colour plates; Price: Rs.2000

Gardening: An Islamic Philosophical Architecture – By Klaudia Khan

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Traditional Islamic gardens, known as Charbagh, can be distinguished by specific characteristic elements.
Traditional Islamic gardens, known as Charbagh, can be distinguished by specific characteristic elements.
If heaven, the ultimate reward that we are striving for, is described as “gardens underneath which rivers flow”, then what places on Earth could give us better foretaste of Paradise than gardens?

Gardens, and specifically traditional Islamic gardens, are the reflections of heaven on Earth. But they are also much more: they are the places where our minds can rest and our souls can reconnect with nature; they are the places of respite in the cooling shadow of trees and representations of ultimate timeless beauty.

They provide nutrition for our souls, but on a more basic level, gardens also provide us with fruit and vegetables to feed our bodies. Gardens have profound meaning in Islam on both symbolic and factual levels. And they may have even bigger role to play in the mixed-faith communities.

Traditional Islamic gardens, known as Charbagh, can be distinguished by their characteristic elements: the division into four parts by straight paths or waterway; the water, either flowing or static, in the centre; the shade provided by trees; and the garden being enclosed within walls. The architecture of the pavilions or other buildings is also an integral part of the garden.

Each of these elements has its own symbolic meaning: the layout of the garden is meant to represent the traditional cosmology common to all ancient cultures and civilizations, and the interaction of the square shape with a circular centre signifies the meeting of heaven and earth.

The flowing water and the shade symbolize the function of garden as providing comfort and respite and its enclosure within walls represents the inner order of universe and the inner contemplative nature of man.

The division into four is also a reflection on the revelation of Jannat al-Firdaus comprising of four gardens, as described in Surat Ar-Rahman. But even though the Charbagh are known as Islamic gardens, their beauty is appreciated by people of all cultural backgrounds, with some examples of people setting up Charbagh for the sake of aesthetics without knowing or looking into their symbolic meaning.

El Azhar Park in Cairo, Egypt, is one of the modern examples of Islamic Charbagh.
El Azhar Park in Cairo, Egypt, is one of the modern examples of Islamic Charbagh.
Emma Clark, renowned landscape architect specializing in Islamic gardens and author of several books and articles on symbolism of Charbagh states that traditional Islamic gardens are generally appreciated, because they represent universal theories of peace and harmony and because their beauty is timeless. She also believes that such gardens can serve as bridges between cultures and may invite people to discover Islam.

There is plenty of anecdotal information with people of all faiths and traditions reporting their positive experience of visiting Islamic gardens, which went beyond sensual or aesthetic satisfaction.

The most famous examples of such gardens visited every year by millions of people from around the world are the gardens in the Alhambra palace complex in Granada, Spain, and the gardens built by Mughals in the Indian Subcontinent, such as the Taj Mahal. So could a visit to a garden really become a pretext to an interfaith dialogue?

Beauty of Islamic Multiculturalism

The report ‘Islamic Gardens in the UK: the Dynamics of Conservation, Cultures and Communities’ prepared by Sophie Gilliat-Ray and Mark Bryant and commissioned by Botanic Gardens Conservation International, confirms that there is a tendency amongst those involved in Islamic environmentalism to be open to interfaith initiatives and dialogue and they do use Islamic Gardens as one of the resources in their faith-based environmental education.

So the gardens do carry the potential to become an inter-cultural bridge, however, the research has also found that this potential is largely unutilized. Most of the traditional Islamic gardens in the UK are placed within larger botanic gardens and often in the grounds of the open to public mansion houses and countryside residences, which creates certain social barriers in access to them.

Some Muslim respondents mentioned such reasons as high admission fees or geographical distance as preventing them from visiting Islamic gardens. Some did not even realize that such do exist in the UK, and some viewed botanic gardens on the whole as the ‘English middle-class sort of place’.

The interviews with the directors of botanic gardens seemed to support this idea, as they have admitted that their visitors were predominantly white middle-class. These findings are a bit of disappointment, as we would wish for Islamic gardens to be more open to the wider public and through greater awareness they could really become a bridge for the interfaith relations, instead of being just an exhibit of exotic culture or an element of colonial heritage, as is often the case at the moment.

Yet there are other gardens, which are not meant to be a display of Islamic culture or history, but rather they are opened for more practical reasons, such as growing fruit and vegetables, which may play a far more significant part in absorbing Muslims in horticulture and providing a platform for interfaith relations.

These are the community gardens which have recently become popular again. These grassroots initiatives engaging local communities within short distance from where they live have proved to be far more effective in raising eco-awareness amongst Muslims, and because they often involve people of different cultural backgrounds connected through geographical locality, it is a more natural way for people to build inter-religious relations and friendship.

Practical Gardening by UK Muslims

Charbagh,
Charbagh, “Four Baghs” is a Persian-style garden layout. The quadrilateral garden is divided by walkways or flowing water into four smaller parts. In Persian, “Bagh” means ‘garden’. (Image: El Azhar Park, Cairo, Egypt).

A great example of such successful enterprise is the Wapping Women’s Centre Community Garden in East London. The success in this case should be measured more in terms of building eco-awareness among Muslim community, rather than in building interfaith dialogue, because it is primarily engaging women of Bangladeshi origin living in the area.

The idea of the community garden came from observation that many women used to keep herbs and plants for culinary use on their balconies. At the beginning those women were apprehensive in coming out with their gardening to the public space, but they have gained confidence and the gardening project changed the community life for better. The educational role of this project can be proved by the 40% reduction in waste due to better management and more recycling.

In Manchester, the city-wide community garden initiative called ‘It’s Your Neighborhood’ did actually improve community relations, besides creating green oases and improving the crime prevention rates.

In one case the tension between users of the Burton Road Mosque and local residents over parking at prayer time was resolved when the Muslim community made up hundreds of hanging baskets for the residents and invited them to a barbecue, creating a friendly environment and opening up a meaningful dialogue.

Gardens, whether ornamental or vegetable ones, have huge positive impact on communities. Visiting green spaces and gardening is a great way to spend free-time in a healthy and environment-friendly way, growing vegetables raises awareness of the issue of sustainability and good, tayyab food sources and as it turns out, the gardens also help in uniting the communities.

For us Muslims, with our great horticular heritage and our special role as khalifas of Earth, it should be even more important to become engaged in the various gardening projects and use them as means of spreading the green message of Islam.

 

Source : http://www.onislam.net

First Islamic Heritage Museum opened for public in Sri Lanka

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According to the direction of Ministry of Cultural Affairs and Archaeology Department this four storey building was constructed at the cost of  several million rupees. This museum was opened by former deputy minister and the Batticaloa district parliamentarian M.L.A.M.Hizbullaha.

This museum clearly briefs the historical, religious, political, business and rituals of Muslim people thousands of years ago in Sri Lanka. Statues of Muslim leaders representate the King Parakramabahau cabinet was also placed at his museum.

Muslim wedding customs, food habits, business practices, including the ancient mosques and several hundred ancient markings Muslim communities can be found here.Kathankudy Municipal Council mayor S.H.M.Asfer and Municipal Council members and several academics persons participated in this event. A large number of local people have also visited.

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S.H.M. JAMEEL – AN INTELLECTUAL OF OUR TIMES – By Ali Azeez

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Jameel1

 

 

 

 

 

The sudden demise of Al-Haj Shahul Hameed Muhammad Jameel on 27th April 2015 was a great loss to the community and to myself personally. He led a well accomplished and illustrious life. His contributions as an eminent educationist, administrator, scholar, orator, researcher, archivist, writer, author, publisher et al will be remembered for a long time to come. Inna Lillahi Wa Inna Ilaihi Rajioon.

Jameel was felicitated by his grateful students and well wishers at a meeting held on 10th November 2013. His comprehensive biography “A Village Boy’s Journey” in Tamil was released at this meeting, which contains all information and nothing seems to have been left out. However, I wish to emphasize his yeoman service rendered to the Dr. A.M.A. Azeez Foundation and as a Member of the Committee of Management and President of The Ceylon Muslim Scholarship Fund he reorganized the entire office systems, which was long overdue. These were well appreciated.

Jameel was born on 18th October 1940 in Sainthamaruthu in the East of Sri Lanka to a leading family. He started his primary education at Ramakrishna Mission Vidyalaya in Karaitivu, secondary education at Fathima College in Kalmunai and then joined  Zahira College, Colombo when my father Marhoom Dr. A.M.A. Azeez was the Principal. He entered the University of Ceylon and graduated with a Special Degree in Economics in 1964, and later obtained the Diploma in Education from the same university. He was conferred the MA Degree in Education by the University of Jaffna. He had a great admiration for Dr. Azeez and has written many articles and delivered speeches about him.

I first met Jameel as a student at Zahira which school I visited frequently. We sat for the University Entrance Examination in December 1959 and both entered the University of Ceylon in June 1960. Jameel joined the Arts Faculty in Peradeniya from Zahira College and I entered the Science Faculty in Colombo from Royal College. Our friendship developed as undergraduates and we became very close to each other in later years until his demise.

At the University Entrance and HSC examinations in December 1959, A.C.L. Ameer Ali and S.H.M. Jameel, both from Zahira, received the All-Island highest marks for Tamil and received the C.Y. Thamotherampillai Memorial Prize. At the University GAQ examination in April 1961 three Muslims won the first three places for Tamil with ‘A’ Grades out of 75 students, namely S.H.M. Jameel and A.C.L. Ameer Ali from Zahira and M.M. Maqbool from Vaidyeshwara Vidyalaya in Jaffna (Dr. Azeez’s old school), over a large number of Tamil undergraduates. Jameel won the Francis Kingsbury Prize for Tamil and the marks he obtained have not been surpassed. In April 1962 it was another Muslim, M.A.M. Shukri from Zahira, who was placed first with ‘A’ Grade in Tamil. These were the results of Zahira having excellent teachers on their staff. Dr. Azeez, a Tamil scholar himself, was thrilled with the performance of his students.

Jameel gave me a copy of the letter sent to him by Dr. Azeez as Zahira’s Principal, congratulating him on entering the University and wishing him well. Probably all the successful Zahirians would have received similar letters. Dr. Azeez was a member of the University Senate and attended the monthly meetings on a Saturday afternoon at Peradeniya, when his family joined him for an outing in Kandy. Dr. Azeez informed the Zahirians in the campus of his visits beforehand, and met them at a convenient location. Such was his interest in his students and there are many such instances.

After graduation Jameel joined the Education Service and held key posts in leading institutions in the East. As the Principal of Zahira College, Kalmunai and Teachers’ Training College, Addalaichenai he contributed immensely to these institutions. In 1986 he was appointed as the first Registrar of the Eastern University. These were times of unrest and there were moves to kidnap him. He moved to Colombo hastily and was appointed as Secretary to the Ministry of Muslim Affairs and retired later as the Advisor to the Ministry of Religious and Cultural Affairs. In all these positions he excelled as an able administrator and contributed a great deal to the community.

Although many of their colleagues and contemporaries obtained their PhD Degrees in their chosen fields, Jameel and Dr. Azeez did not qualify for the doctorates, despite their ample research, though they deserved the higher degree. Jameel registered for his PhD with the University of Jaffna, but could not proceed due to the ethnic problems and travel restrictions to Jaffna. Dr. Azeez registered for his PhD with the University of London and renewed this a few times, but due to his active life and other commitments did not get down to writing his thesis. It is quite apparent that a doctorate is not the criterion to attain academic and intellectual status.

The ‘Haji A.M.A. Azeez Memorial Committee’ was formed in the year 1975 under the auspices of the All Ceylon YMMA Conference, initiated by Mr. S.M. Kamaldeen, a close associate and confidante of Dr. A.M.A. Azeez. Former District Judge M.A.M. Hussain was elected as the President. The first A.M.A. Azeez Memorial Oration was delivered by Dr. A.K. Brohi of Pakistan on 6th January 1976. Thereafter annual memorial orations by prominent persons were organized by the Committee in collaboration with the YMMA. Radio talks and newspaper articles were also arranged.

From the very inception the objectives of the Azeez Foundation were to publish the valuable articles, speeches and other academic and literary contributions of Dr. Azeez. An attempt was made in 1989 which did not materialize fully. Except for the annual commemoration meetings, the Memorial Committee was dormant. In 1990 it was revived and named as the ‘Dr. A.M.A. Azeez Foundation’.

In 1994 Mr. Hussain decided to go back to his home town of  Kalmunai and Prof. M.T.A. Furkhan was elected as the President. He invited leading personalities to deliver the annual orations, initiated Ramazan Appeals and granted scholarships to needy undergraduates. During this time Jameel joined as a Committee Member of the Dr. A.M.A. Azeez Foundation. He was keen to publish the contributions of Dr. Azeez and discussed this matter at length with me. I was encouraged by his ideas.

Be that as it may, Dr. Azeez had meticulously preserved all his documents. He had a large library of books of which most were donated to the Zahira College library during his tenure as Principal. Later his books were donated in batches to Jamia Naleemiah in Beruwela. After his death the remaining books were donated to this institution but his important books and valuable documents were retained by me. Due to my busy working life and being sent by my employers on frequent assignments overseas, I was not able to delve into my father’s records but preserved them very carefully wherever I resided.

In 2007 Prof. Furkhan requested to be relieved as President of the Dr. A.M.A. Azeez Foundation after 14 years and proposed that Jameel be elected as President. It was unanimously agreed and Prof. Furkhan continued as a Committee Member. Almost immediately Jameel wanted to implement his ideas and the Ramazan Appeal 2007 conveyed the message of publishing the contributions of Dr. Azeez. It was well received. Jameel and I were encouraged and I delved into my father’s records to give a ‘kick-start’ to the project. To finance the first publication “A.M.A, Azeez – A Profile” I contacted Eng. A.G.A. Barrie in Canada, a grateful and sincere student of Dr. Azeez, who responded immediately with his donation. Thereafter he has contributed generous amounts annually to continue the project. With the invaluable experience of Jameel we have published eleven books which were released at the annual commemoration meetings since 2007. Eng. Barrie also initiated the website www.azeezfoundation.com in 2010 which contains a valuable collection of information including photographs and audio speeches. The site also includes the pdf versions of the books published.

Jameel was much sought after by many institutions and organizations to deliver speeches in English and Tamil. Wherever relevant he never failed to mention about Dr. Azeez. Whenever I was present in the audience he would always make a few comments about me. That was his style.

When I met Jameel recently I asked him as to what we should publish this year. Jameel proudly expressed that there is no other personality about whom so many publications have been released – certainly a credit to Jameel – and that a comprehensive website is also available. Therefore, he inquired whether we have any more contributions of importance to be published. He did mention about publishing A.I. Marikar’s book on Islamic Banking. I informed him that I will compile some Life Sketches on A.M.A. Azeez to be published, since I felt that these must be recorded including copies of his academic and other certificates, invitations and other material which I found in his records. Jameel agreed and said that it will be a good idea to do so.

Over the last two years Jameel donated his valuable collection of books and documents to the South Eastern University. He was also giving up gradually his involvements in many spheres, and quite recently told me that he wants to give up everything and retain his interest only in the Azeez Foundation. However, about a year ago he suggested that he prefers Khalid M. Farouk to succeed him as President of the Azeez Foundation of which he was the Secretary. Jameel said that Farouk was his classmate at Zahira, past President of the YMMA, sincere worker and a student and great admirer of Dr. Azeez. We agreed that we will do so, after the commemoration meeting in 2014.

To deliver the Azeez Memorial Oration in October 2014 I requested A.I. Marikar, my close friend and classmate and contemporary of Jameel at Zahira and the University respectively, to do so on Islamic Banking. He was a leading banker and in my opinion, he is the foremost authority on Islamic Banking in this country. After the oration Jameel had requested Marikar to expand on the subject and that the Azeez Foundation will publish the book. I wholeheartedly agreed and the draft is already with me.

The next Committee Meeting of the Azeez Foundation was fixed at 5.00 p.m. on 27th April 2015 at the YMMA Headquarters in Dematagoda. I wanted to call Jameel in the morning to say that I will pick him up and go together to the Meeting. His daughter-in-law called me at about 7.15 a.m. on that day and informed amidst sobs that Jameel just passed away after a severe heart attack. I was speechless for some time, sat down and gradually got back to my senses, and immediately informed Khalid Farouk. I am wondering whether Jameel had a premonition of his early end.

Jameel was a close and sincere friend and I enjoyed the frequent discussions we had on various topics which were a treat. I liked his sarcasm on our leaders and community. He led a simple family life and was a gentleman to his finger tips. He will be sorely missed.

The burial took place at Dehiwela Mosque grounds after Isha prayers in the presence of a large crowd, one of the largest seen in recent times.

May Almighty Allah grant him Jennathul Firdouse – Aameen!

 

Why You Should Be Decking the Halls For Ramadan?

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CaptureWhile Muslims in the US enthusiastically pull out their stored Rubbermaid tubs marked “Ramadan/Eid,” packed with strings of paper lanterns, electric lights and glass ornaments bought, others find this “new” tradition to be a questionable innovation or another capitalist trapping.

It may seem that converted Muslims have simply transferred their old traditions and newly immigrated Muslims have copied their neighbors’ practices of decorating for the holidays, but Muslims all over the world have long had Ramadan preparation practices which include decorating.

Old traditions

Streets in Egypt, Palestine and Jerusalem are famously and beautifully hung with fanous (metal lanterns), as are the balconies and interiors of many local homes – the families’ collections growing as each child gets their own fanous.

Public and private displays of decorations appear in other countries too, such as the ketupat (diamond shaped weaving of palm or paper) in Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore.

Across the Muslim world, the first step to decorating begins with a thorough house cleaning – a decluttered house is a reflection of a decluttered, Ramadan-ready mind.

In Morocco and Jordan, cleaning rolls over into ‘decorating’ in more sustainable ways. In addition to pulling out their best wares for nightly iftars and anticipated guests, a little interior decorating is often in order.

Jehan Abukharmah, who is Palestinian and raised in Jordan, remembers an integral part of preparing for Ramadans in her childhood was minor home improvements, such as painting rooms and buying new furnishings. Here in Morocco many families mark the coming month by changing out the tlamet (couch and cushion coverings) for fancier ones. The flurry of touch-ups creates a special, festive feeling in homes.

Westward traditions

Muslims in the west often carry on the tradition of deep cleaning their homes, and some have infused other elements of holiday decorating, which generally mirror the flounce so visually present for other common western holidays.

Hafsah Zamir Khan grew up among few Muslims in a small town in Surrey in the United Kingdom, “Living in a non-Muslim community there was not much available, so my mother would buy Christmas decorations on sale after the New Year, usually foil hanging ornaments and garlands and sometimes even fairy lights. Helping our mother decorate the house a few days before Ramadan made us excited about the holy month and we loved the surprise on people's faces when they visited and saw all the decorations.”

Hafsah is thankful for her mother’s efforts to make the holiday extra special for her and her siblings “and not feel like non-Muslims had all the fun with Christmas. I think that's very important for Muslim children in the West – to not feel left out at Christmas time, but feel that they have their own celebrations.”

Insha Allah for her own children, Hafsah hopes to take the tradition further by bringing in “more Islamic and traditional decorations to help my children learn and understand why we fast and to instill love in their hearts.”

Fortunately for Hafsah there is a rapidly growing cottage industry of Ramadan and Eid decorations now available to choose from, as well as innumerable do-it-yourself ideas catalogued on blogs, Pinterest and elsewhere online. Many of these decorations feature elements specific to Muslim holidays, such as using imagery of moons, dates and the Kkabbah as well as Islamic reminders and sayings.

Benefits of decorating

The majority of Muslims who decorate for Ramadan likely do so for their children. Decorations give children the tangible markers of a holiday, which can be elusive for young minds to fully grasp. It may take several nights of iftars and taraweeh prayers for a child to remember they are in the midst of a special and holy month. Something as simple as a hanging garland or table centerpiece gives children a constant reminder of this special time that is bringing upheavals to their regular schedule and habits.

For the youngest of children, sparkly and colorful decorations may simply be a joy to their senses. For children who are fasting – either by not eating during the day or through other acts, such as not watching television or doing more acts of ibadah and charity – the decorations can serve as a constant reminder to keep their fasting up.

While it’s easy to dismiss decorating for Ramadan as an abhorrent innovation or imitating non-Muslims, visual reminders of the blessed month can have their place in Ramadan with the right intentions. Just as waste at extravagant iftars goes against the meaning of Ramadan, decorations should also be done in a sustainable and thoughtful manner.

Making decorations with children can have the added bonus of building up the excitement and anticipation for the month. Of course, when buying beautiful, quality decorations that can be used year after year, always try to buy Muslim made.

Source : http://www.onislam.net

The post Why You Should Be Decking the Halls For Ramadan? appeared first on Sailan Muslim - The Online Resource for Sri Lanka Muslims.

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